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MEMOIR, 



DEFENCE OF 



HUGH PETJE^S. 



JOSEPH B. FELT. 




Justitia est habitus animi suum caique tribuens." — Cicf.ro. 



■ BOSTON: 
JKINTED BY C. C P. MOODY, 52 WASHINGTON STREET. 
1851. 



/ *" 



' 
















[1UK&3FI PETJEB8, 



t 
//> /// /,~iM. a: i •t 'c //A d. //Mi 



MEMOIR, 



DEFENCE OF 



HUGH PETERS. 



JOSEPH B. FELT. 









Justitia est habitus animi sumn cuiiue tribuens." — Cicero. 




BOSTON: 

PRINTED BY C. C. P. MOODY, 52 WASHINGTON STREET. 
1851. 



THE LIBRARY 
I OF C ONG RESS, 

[WASHINGTON 



MEMOIR 



It is well known, that the view taken of men and things, accords 
with the medium, through which they are observed. If such me- 
dium be clear and correct, it will, of course, give a right impression. 
If not, the reverse holds true. This accounts for the diversity of 
opinions entertained of the person, who heads this article. 

No doubt, as subject to the elements of imperfection, he had, 
like all his race, faults to correct and omissions of obligation to 
deplore. But, looking at him as he really was, or supposed to be, 
some have esteemed him talented, learned, honest, benevolent, and 
magnanimous, — a benefactor of his fellow-beings and a true ser- 
vant of God, — while others have denied him these excellencies of 
character. Among the former class we profess ourselves to be 
numbered. This is a principal inducement to the preparation of 
the subsequent notice. 

The parentage of Peters (1) was highly respectable. His father, 
son of Sir John, (2) was an eminent merchant of Fowey (3) 
in Cornwall, whose ancestors, as advocates of the Reformation, 
were compelled to flee thither from the city of Antwerp. His 
mother, Elizabeth, was of an ancient and honourable family, 
whose name was Treffey of Place in the Town of his birth. 
Though while referring to this subject, he regarded such descent 
as desireable, yet he appreciated personal merit as of far greater 
worth. 

The birth of Peters was in 1599. By the time he was prepared 
to enter college, adversity crossed the prosperous enterprise of his 
father. His elder brothers were liberally educated, the one, Wil- 

(1 ) Part of this account is given in his Legacy and the rest by his biographer, 
Samuel Peters, LL.D. 

(2) He spelt his surname, Peter. 

(3) Camden remarks, '• Fovvy was very famous in the last age for sea-fights, a 8 
is plain from the arms of the place, which are a compound of all thcss of the 
Cinque ports." 

2 



4 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

w 1 ?-'i at l Leyden Universit y> and the other, Thomas, at Oxford. 
While the second was pursuing his studies at the last place, Hugh 
entered Trinity of Cambridge, 1613, where he took his A.B.in 
1617, and his A.M. 1622. 

It is remarkable, that Brook, in his lives of the Puritans, should 
so readily credit the slander of Kennet's Chronicles, when he had 
it in his power so easily to have corrected the error. In his 
account of Peters, he says, « It is indeed observed, that when he 
was at Cambridge, he was so lewd and Insolent, as to be whipt 
in the Regent's walk — a punishment scarcely ever inflicted upon 
any since, or perhaps a long time before, and so expelled forever 
from the University." A look at the graduating catalogue of 
the University, shows the utter falsity of his expulsion, being the 
greater punishment, and thus strongly implies, that the less and 
its assigned cause are of an equally reckless and incredible char- 
acter. 

Peters was connected with this Seat of Learning nine years, 
where r as he candidly remarks, " I spent some years vainly enough,' 
being but 14 years old when thither I came ; my Tutor died, and 
I was exposed to my shifts." The perils of his inexperience, uni- 
ted with the loss of his appointed adviser and protector, were 
indeed great. Thus situated, he gave e/idence of his generous, 
strong, and filial affection. He relates, "that estate I had by an 
uncle, I left with my mother and lived at the University." Such 
sell-denial indicates, that, however he may have indulged in youth- 
ful gayeties,and not thus have so closely applied himself to study 
as he should, he still abstained from spending his substance in 
dissipation. About to leave the scene of his literary course, 
where the principles and character of young men pass through a 
faery ordeal, and where, too often, they are destroyed or greatly 
injured in the trial, Peters took his way to London. There the 
covenant promise to his fathers was fulfilled in himself. There 
the arrow of revealed truth fastened upon his heart, and con- 
strained him to call on the Great Physician for healing mercy. 
His words, in reference, to such experience, follow : " God struck 
me with the sense of my sinful estate, by a sermon 1 heard 
under Pauls. The text was The Burden of Dumah, and stuck 
fast." This important event in his religious life, occurred when 
he was about 23 years of age. He regarded it with all the seri- 
ousness, with which it is clad by the unerring wisdom of the 
Gospel. 

Granger mentions the gossip of envy, that after Peters left 
College, "he betook himself to the stage, where he acquired that 
gesticulation and buffoonery which he practised'in the pulpit." 
The candid representation, which his Legacy gives of the manner, 
in which he spent his time in useful engagements, forbids the 
allowance of such a report. Indeed, it shows that his heart was 
turned to the Sanctuary, soon after he left College, instead of the 
Theatre. 

His mind being brought to dwell thus unusually on spiritual 
subjects, he retired to Essex. Here he was much assisted by 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 5 

Thomas Hooker, in the solution of his doubts, the confirmation 
of his faith, and the increase of his hopes. What he had so 
learned to be of more worth, than all the treasures of earth, be- 
came the theme of his instructions to others. Thus, almost 
before he was aware, like the Apostle Paul, he found himself 
invested with the anxieties and encouragements of delivering to 
attentive audiences, the message of eternal life. Still he consid- 
ered himself not sufficiently prepared in his studies, for so high a 
calling. He, therefore, decided to take up his abode in the me- 
tropolis. Before, however, he did this, he became attached to a 
lady, and, as he describes it, "married with a good genllewo- 
man." 

Having returned to London, he attended on the ministry of 
Gouge, Sibs and Davenport. His intention was, for the present, 
to be a learner and not a teacher of theology. But the importu- 
nity of friends was stronger than his purpose. Being licensed by 
Dr. Montaigne, Bishop of the same city, he yielded to their wishes. 
While he officiated at a certain place, a young man was much 
interested in him and his discourses, and made strenuous exer- 
tions to have him preach at St. Sepulchre's once a month. The 
person so energetic, gave, as an earnest of his sincerity, £30 a 
year for such an object. Success crowned his efforts, and he was 
highly gratified to hear Peters in the pulpit, where he wished to 
have him appointed. 

Here throngs listened to the fervid and impressive eloquence 
of Peters. Like the more modern Wesley and Whitefield, his 
popularity would soon draw together a multitude. His motive, 
like theirs, was not mere worldly applause. It was lighted and 
purified at the alter of Christian truth, and it raised his aspira- 
tions and modified his toils, so as to benefit his hearers in their 
spiritual and eternal interests. Under such influence, sanctified 
to them by the Spirit of grace, " above an hundred every week 
were pursuaded from sin to Christ." 

Thus borne along, Peters began to perceive, that every aspect 
was not bright and every way not smooth in his progress. Some 
looked on his career with envy, which exhibited itself in detrac- 
tion and resistance. His right purposes and benevolent actions 
were wrested from their true direction, and represented in the 
dark hues of iniquitous selfishness. Others were angry, that he 
declined strict conformity with the Rubric and Liturgy. Conver- 
sant with men, like Davenport and Hooker, who afterwards be- 
came pillars of New England Congretionalism, he strongly de- 
sired and sought with them, for the reformation of what they 
deemed corruptions in the national Episcopacy. Of course, he 
was ranked with the Church Puritans, against whom James I. 
encouraged the Arminians and Papists, " who became a state 
faction against the old English Constitution." Such policy, in- 
tended by its promoters as their main dependance, ultimately 
proved as a broken staff. Before, however, its lack of wisdom 
and its essential weakness were sadly manifested, Laud, while 



6 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

Thif P er i / iskCd his re P" tation ^d station on its practice. 

V«L « Ji WaS ac f USt ° med to remark of such Preachers as 
Peters, "they were the most dangerous enemies of the State, 
because by their prayers and sermons they awakened the peo- 
ple s disaffection, and therefore must be suppressed." Brought 

HSLSZ r^V 11 ^ 11068 ° f SUch ^ bac1 ^ by me 
fullest support of the Crown, Peters was convinced, that he must 
eithe fl ee ir( , m lt be crushed, as to his liberty and labors. 
Having concluded that duty required him, like many others, to 
give up all the endearments of native country, for a sojourn on 
foreign soil he concluded to comply with the painful necessity, 
lhe particulars of the hard measure, he received from the hand 
of government, are scantily preserved. He modestly refers to it 

tronbt n , y ^n 2t ' " th f G ' at St Se P^hres, I had some 
trouble, who could not conform to all." 

Referring to himself and others, who left home and kindred 
lor the unmolested enjoyment of their religion, he adds, "Truly my 
reason lor myself and others to go was merely not to offend 7 au- 
thority in that difference of judgment, and had not the book for 
encouragement of Sports on the Sabbath come forth, many had 

^u° k n niOVmS U t thr ° Ugh Huntle 7> that Peters, while praying 
for the Queen in the same church, used the words, « that as she 
came into he Goshen of safety, so the light of Goshen might 
shine into her soul, and that she might not perish in the day of 
Christ. "I his was a suitable petition for her majesty, who was a 
strenuous Catholic, by one who professed and preached the Pro- 
testant faith. But, as the same authority relates,' such an utterance 
o his desires reached the ears of Laud, who forbid the continuance 
oi his ministry, had him committed to close confinement in New 
Prison and kept him there "some time before any articles were 
exhibited against him. Though certain noblemen offered bail for 
him it was refused." At length he was released. Such was the 
treatment which led him to the conclusion already mentioned. 

While the law was brought to bear so heavily upon his per- 
son, the tongue of reproach wounded his spirit. Various writers 
have noticed the insinuation of Langbaine, that Peters had im- 
proper intimacy with the wife of one among his parishioners. 
Granger repeats the story, and says that in consequence of it 
he fled to Rotterdam." Circumstances, strong as fact, with his 
own repeated denials, consign the accusation to the category of 
idle, if not malicious falsehood. At this verv time, there is no 
appearance that his people had any belief of "it ; that the noble- 
men who were anxious to free him from imprisonment put the 
last confidence in it; that the worthies, with whom he was ef- 
ficiently engaged in helping to colonize our territory, listened to 
it for a moment. And subsequently, there is not the least indi- 
cation, that the English, who became a Congregational Church 
under him, on the Continent; that his eminent colleagues there, 
Ames and Davenport ; that his distinguished friend, Forbes; that 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 7 

the authorities and people of Massachusetts; that the men of 
high rank and character who were his firm patrons in his native 
kingdom ; and the Parliament, who placed in him the greatest 
confidence, gave any credence to the story. Indeed, the manv 
excellent persons, with whom he was most intimate, and whose 
enterprise for freedom, depended mainly on the purity of motive 
and example in themselves and associates, would have been 
the first to notice such a stain upon his character, had it existed, 
and to have withdrawn the hand and countenance of friendship 
from him, had he so forfeited their confidence. But the fact, that 
he pursued the straight course of obligation, as he believed it, 
and shared in their co-operation and support, is proof, that, how- 
ever political foes threw out hints to blacken his reputation, they 
esteemed him honest and upright in all his relations of life. The 
intimations, that he left his country to be rid of the trouble, re- 
sulting from such an accusation, is clearly without the least 
proof. The reason for his exchange of residence, as given by 
himself and others, was to escape the persecution, to which his 
principles of non-conformity continually exposed him. Besides, 
had he so done, when, by continual intercourse between London 
and the Low Countries, his character would have followed him 
wherever he went, it would have been absurd for him to attempt 
another eligible settlement in the ministry, and gain friends among 
the best and most respected. But he did succeed in these wor- 
thy objects, and the inference justly is, that his was not the flight 
of a scape-grace. When under sentence of death, and in view 
of the solemnities of speedy judgment before an Omniscient ar- 
biter, when solicitous that his motives and faith might bear the 
soul-searching scrutiny, a religious friend desired him to tell 
the truth on this very point. His hearty and serious reply was, 
" I bless the Lord I am wholly clear in that matter, and I never 
knew any woman but my own wife." In his dying counsels to 
his daughter, he adverted to the sanie matter and remarked, " By 
my zeal, it seems, I have exposed myself to all maimer of re- 
proach." 

So situated, he was among many of the best men in England, 
who sympathized with the plans and endeavors of the Rev. John 
White, whose heart was set upon the preparation of a refuge in 
Massachusetts, for the troubled Puritans of his own country. 
Immediately after a Patent was obtained of the Council for New- 
England, Peters was the first clergyman, who subscribed towards 
the funds for so needful and noble an enterprise. On this 
occasion, stirring to the hearts and hopes of those, who longed 
for a permanent abode, where all, tried like themselves, might 
enjoy their principles and forms of religion without molestation, 
he subscribed £50. The paper, for this purpose, was dated May, 
1628. It began with words of solemnity, " In the name of God, 
Amen," and contained the petition, " Whereunto the Almighty 
grant prosperous and happy success, that the same may redound 
to his glory and the propagation of the Gospel of Jesus Christ. 

2* 



ft Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

On the 30th of the same month, (1) deeply interested in the 
emigration of Endicott and his company for so elevated an ob- 
ject, Peters unites with thirteen others, in signing his instructions 
for the government of the Colony, already under the direction of 
the estimable Conant. 

With his mind and heart on an undertaking, so congenial with 
his wishes and sentiments, the circumstances, which called for a 
removal, came to a crisis. He looked to Holland and New Eng- 
land as a field for his labor. The preponderance of present 
reasons favored the former. He went thither about the close of 

1628, to ascertain more fully what would be the prospect of his 
usefulness in the Low Countries. In the mean while, he had 
serious thoughts of emigrating hither with Higginson, Skelton, 
and other ministers, to aid in the great work of founding a relig- 
ious Commonwealth. He had returned to London by May 11, 

1629, when he attended a Court of Assistants, who convened to 
hear the proposition of Oldham, relative to the Gorges Patent. 
This was embraced in the Charter of the Massachusetts Com- 
pany, and, as to the manner of its being granted, was sensible 
evidence of the design, entertained by the royal party of England, 
to overthrow the liberties of Congregationalism in New Plymouth, 
and to crush their buddings wherever else they might appear. On 
the 13th, he was also at the Court of Election for officers of the 
same Corporation. The nature of their purpose was too much in 
harmony with his own convictions of what tended to the best 
welfare of his race, to allow his absence from such conventions. 
To meet his calculation for the period between this time and his 
emigration to America, he must have returned soon to Holland. 

So constrained to forsake the society of his countrymen, with 
whom he loved to take counsel and co-operate for the preservation 
and spread of Puritanism, then the butt of ridicule with courtiers, 
he still continued his ministrations of the Gospel. The cause of 
Christianity was precious to him in every clime and under all 
changes. He realized the fact, that such was the infinite wisdom 
of its doctrines, they were suited to the necessities of his race, 
whatever might be their temporal condition, either prosperous or 
adverse, either as friends or foes, acquaintances or strangers. He 
deeply felt, that the spiritual wants of all, with whom his lot was 
providentially cast, called for like sympathy, zeal, and exertion. 

Though a minute and extended acquaintance with the events 
of his newly chosen residence, is very desirable to the inquirers, 
who would follow him, yet they can discover but a few scattered 
facts in the pursuit. He himself, though associated with some 
among the most worthy and distinguished of his profession, after 
specifying the years of his continuance, sententiously observes, 
that it was spent "not without the presence of God in my work." 

In the answer of John Paget, minister of Amsterdam, to the 
publication of Davenport, as given by Hanbury, we have the 

(1) The date here is as Hutchinson has it, but Young's Massachusetts Chroni- 
cles, p. 135, give Sept. 13, which is a mistake. 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 9 

ensuing passage : " For Mr. Peters, though at his first coming 
I gave some way, and opposed not such as sought to have him 
here, yet after some time of his continuance in this country, when 
he was called and confirmed for Pastor of the English church at 
Rotterdam ; when, after this, a new proposition was again made 
for calling him hither, I acknowledged that I did not consent unto 
it," He had previously declared, that he opposed the settlement 
of Ames and Forbes, because he disagreed with them on points of 
ecclesiastical order. It seemed that for a like cause, he was un- 
willing to favor the call of Peters in Amsterdam before and after 
his installation in Rotterdam. 

Here Peters was colleague with the noted William Ames, who 
left a professorship at the University of Francker, to be united 
with him in Gospel labors, and who, like himself, was heartily in- 
terested in the experiment of the New England colonists. He 
was an intimate friend of one, who had been made bishop by 
James, but was obliged, through difference in opinion with the 
Covenanters, to leave a divinity professorship at Aberdeen. In 
reference to such a connexion, his words were, " I lived near that 
famous Scotsman, Mr. John Forbes, with whom I travelled into 
Germany, and enjoyed his society in much love and sweetness 
constantly, from whom I received nothing but encouragement, 
though we differed in the way of our churches." Enjoying the 
confidence and affection of his senior co-pastor, he was called, ere 
long, to be deprived of his advice and aid in the cure of souls. 
This event, which he sincerely lamented, took place Nov., 1633. 
Alluding to it, his language was, " The learned Amesius breathed 
his last into my bosom." For several months, and perhaps longer, 
before Hooker came to this country, in the same year, he assisted 
Ames, who was probably sick with the Asthma, to which he was 
subject, and thus was co-worker with Peters. By this means, 
Hooker and Peters renewed their former intimate friendship, and 
they with Ames, actuated by similar motives and purposes, were 
like a three fold cord, not easily broken. 

In the able preface of Hooker to the celebrated work of Ames, 
" A fresh suit against human ceremonies in God's worship," he 
remarked of himself, the two with whom he was so united, and 
others dispersed abroad from their mother country or suffering at 
home — " Consider how many poor Ministers are under pressure, 
some fled, some imprisoned, many suspended, themselves and 
families undone." As Hooker embarked for this land of spiritual 
promise to all of kindred sentiment, prior to the decease of Ames, 
Peters was severely tried by being deprived of their society, in the 
course of a short period. 

For nearly two years after the last of such bereavements, Peters 
faithfully discharged the duties of his high vocation. But to the 
interruption of his peaceable and beneficial labors, he perceived, 
that the influence of Bishop Laud, was increasingly extended, that 
the civil protection around his asylum, was not proof against the 
power of that Primate, whose room and library in part, were, in a 



10 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

way, not yet revealed to mortal ken, to become his own for a series 
of years. On this point, Winthrop informs us, while speaking of 
Peters, " Who being persecuted by the English ambassador, who 
would have brought his and other churches to the English discipline." 

Thus renewedly, though alike tried as before, the heart of 
Peters was still with the American home of the Puritans. For 
years he had considered himself pledged to conform with the call 
of his friends in Massachusetts, whenever the necessities of the 
colonists should cry, " Come over and help us." This message 
having reached him, he felt relieved from obligation to toil in the 
old world for the advancement of the cause, which he hoped to 
promote, more fully and speedily, where it had not the long estab- 
lished opposition of Royalty and Prelacy, immediately to encounter. 
Not only was he desirous, that he might be instrumental in help- 
ing to keep the flame of reformation alive among the civilized, 
but also to spread its rays among the benighted Indians. This 
two-fold object was the common profession of all the leading 
clergy and laity, who combined their energies in the wise and 
beneficial design of erecting a reformed State and Church, on 
these shores. Peters observed, that in relation to it, his own 
views, desires, and intentions harmonized with those of "that 
good man, my dear, firm friend, Mr. White of Dorchester." 

So invited and sustained, he was deeply interested in every 
movement, which helped forward these objects in the western 
world. This very year, Lion Gardener, Engineer under the 
Prince of Orange in the Low Countries, " through the persuasion 
of Mr. John Davenport, Mr. Hugh Peters, and other well affected 
Englishmen of Rotterdam," makes an agreement with the " fore- 
named Mr. Peters, for four years, to serve the patentees, namely 
the Lord Say, the Lord Brook," and others. Such a compact 
had reference to the settlement of Saybrook at the mouth of the 
Connecticut, as another plantation chiefly for the spread of Gospel 
ordinances and influences. 1635. This year, Paget replied to a 
publication of Davenport, issued the year before, who had been his 
colleague in the ministry. The former, in remarking on the vari- 
ance of his opinion on some points from that of other theologians, 
used this language : " Mr. Peters hath by his practice declared his 
judgment, that it is lawful to communicate with the Brownists 
in their worship, and by his example hath strengthened divers 
members of our Church therein ; such as sundry of these com- 
plainants are, already too much addicted to resort unto the 
assembly of schismatics and to hear them ! " 

Doing in any direction what his hand found to do in the dis- 
charge of his obligations, Peters bid adieu to the diversified scene 
of his hopes and fears, consolations and trials, after " five or six 
years' " experience, and launched upon the ocean with his course 
directed hitherward. But being a marked man in the view of 
advocates for high church principles, they could not suffer him to 
depart in peace. Dr. Nichols, one of their champions, as quoted 
by Brook, represents that Peters was so unpopular, that he was 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 11 

obliged to leave Rotterdam and seek for another sphere of occu- 
pation. The facts, however, that while in Massachusetts and 
subsequently in England, he was employed by the authorities to 
transact important business for them in Holland, because of his 
high repute and great influence there, shows that such a repre- 
sentation was the ofF-shoot of prejudice and not of truth. 

After the usual occurrences in crossing the Atlantic, Peters ar- 
rived at Boston, Oct. 6, 1635, with many passengers in the ships, 
Abigail and Defence. Several ministers, embarked in the like 
sacred enterprise, came with him, as John Wilson, who had been 
here before, and Samuel Shepard. Their plan, like moral obli- 
gation, was perfect, but they well knew their own deficiency in 
corresponding excellence to carry it out, and, therefore, their sup- 
plications were frequent and fervent to Him, who giveth strength 
to the weak and help to the needy. Among his descriptions, 
Johnson says, " This year came over the famous Hugh Peters, 
whose courage was not inferior to any of these transported ser- 
vants. 

With courage bold Peter?, a Souldier stout, 
In Wfldernesse for Christ begins to war." 

With health some impaired and spirits usually buoyant, but 
occasionally much depressed, Peters was desirous to consult with 
the Elders here, face to face, and particularly as to his continuance 
in the country. He found the Colony in a condition of alarm, 
lest the government, at home, would fit out vessels of war for 
compelling them to surrender their charter, and also of perplex- 
ity from the opposition, made by Roger Williams and his friends 
against administering an oath of fidelity to the people, as a 
means of greater security. While in this attitude, he was far 
from folding his " hands to sleep." He divided his Sabbath labors 
between Boston and Salem. At the last Town, there had been 
much excitement and trouble in the Church, concerning the la- 
mentable case of Williams, who was still there under sen- 
tence of banishment, and had withdrawn from worshipping 
with his parish. On this account, the ministrations of Peters had 
need of prudence consistent with truth, and without offence to 
minds, which were still chafed by disagreement on the points of 
their recent controversy. 

From this quarter his attention was summoned to another. 
He signs with Winthrop and Henry Vane, as agents for Lords 
Say, Brook and associates, who were strong supporters of the 
Puritan cause, — an address to the emigrants, who had gone 
from the Bay to Connecticut and located themselves on the Pa- 
tent, claimed by such noblemen and the rest of their company. 
The intent of the communication was to ascertain from the set- 
tlers, how they purposed to act with respect to the government, 
appointed by those proprietors. 

The next month after Peters' arrival, he is mentioned by Win- 
throp, as active to free the colonists from impositions in traffick 
with " seamen and others." Such caution had reference to im- 



12 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

ported goods, especially out-fits for the fishery. In the practice 
of it, Peters " moved the country to raise a stock." Under Janu- 
ary of 1636, his success in this undertaking is described by 
Winthrop. He labored " publicly and privately, procured a good 
sum of money, and wrote into England to raise as much more. 
The intent was to set up a magazine of all provisions and other 
necessaries for fishing, that men might have things at hand for 
reasonable prices." Does the question here arise, why should he 
so meddle with worldly affairs ? The reply is, that then what- 
ever rightly tended to promote the temporal welfare of the 
Commonwealth, also aided to advance its spiritual interests, and 
was therefore considered laudible in the clergy as well as in the 
laity. Under such circumstances, the end consecrated the neces- 
sary means. 18th. Several of the principal men, as Haynes, the 
Governor, Bellingham, his Deputy, Cotton, Hooker and Wil- 
son, having been invited by Peters and Henry Vane to meet 
them in Boston, are now accordingly convened. The occasion of 
this assemblage was to take measnres for the suppression of a 
factious spirit, which prevailed, to some extent, among the people, 
and to settle a difference between Dudley and Winthrop. The 
latter object was speedily accomplished. With respect to the 
former, they make arrangements to rectify supposed faults in the 
past administration of Colonial affairs. Such advisers, with 
conscientious intentions to compass the end of their emigration, 
separated with the peaceful reflection, that they had consulted 
and decided in compliance with the dictates of their responsi- 
bility. 

April 12. There being great scarcity of provisions, and the Char- 
ity from Dartmouth having arrived with supplies, they were 
purchased by Peters for the Towns, which suffered for the lack of 
them, at a great reduction from the usual excessive rates, demand- 
ed by the coast-traders. Such a labor of love for the public, was 
noticed with high appreciation. 

Variously active as the wants of the Colony required, Peters 
was made partaker in part of the trials, which still betided the 
Salem Church, as the consequence of troubles with Williams. 
The last of these persons left some of his friends, who believed 
with him, that it was wrong even to attend on Episcopal wor- 
ship in England, and to commune with those who did so when 
there, unless they reformed in their opinion and practice. This 
subject was left to the advice of Elders in other churches, who 
disapproved of such a position, though they commended tolera- 
tion to its supporters while they walked orderly. 

May 15. In a discourse before the Congregation of Boston, 
Peters made several requests of them. That they would release 
their Teacher, Cotton, for a season, that he might give marginal 
notes on the difficult passages of the Bible ; " that a new book 
of martyrs might be made, to begin where the other had left ; 
that a form of church government might be drawn according to 
the Scriptures ;" that they would take steps to advance industrial 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 13 

employments, especially in winter, among a portion of the colo- 
nists, whose omission of it threatened great injury to the " Church 
and Commonwealth." 

May 25. With Vane, Winthrop, and other laymen, Cotton and 
Shepard, elders, Peters was requested by the General Court " to 
make a draught of laws agreeable to the Word of God, which 
may be fundamentals of this Commonwealth." In consequence 
of this movement, probably accelerated by the suggestion of 
Peters, Cotton produced " Moses his Judicials." 

June. Peters sets out in company with Fenwick and others, 
on horseback, for the Patent of Lords Say, Brook, and associates. 
He had previously manifested his earnest wish for the furtherance 
of this newly settled Plantation. Owing to its weak and exposed 
condition, he and his friends promised to use their influence for 
the prevention of threatened war with the Pequods. 

July 9. "Many ships lying at Natascott to set sail," he, desi- 
rous that the crews might hear the Gospel, went down and 
preached on board of the Hector. The commander of this ves- 
sel and others prevailed on Governor Vane to have the king's 
colors displayed on the Castle, though the colonists considered its 
cross as an idolatrous emblem. The fleet being still wind-bound, 
Peters tarried and spent the Sabbath with them in its appropriate 
duties. Wherever he perceived the most need of Christian in- 
struction, he laid aside formalities and self-convenience, so that 
he might give it and so clear himself of conscious neglect. 

Dec. 7. The controversy, occasioned by the speculations of 
Mrs. Ann Hutchinson, came before the Legislature. It had 
drawn in Peters, as among the chief Elders, who anxiously 
watched its progress and strove to counteract its tendency. They 
had recently met and drawn up questions for Cotton, who, at first, 
favored her opinions. Being assured of this, Vane, who also ad- 
vocated her cause, was disturbed, that he had not been advised of 
such a movement, and expressed himself accordingly. Peters re- 
plied, that it saddened the feelings of the ministers, while so in 
the discharge of what they deemed their obligation, that he should 
exhibit a jealousy of them and an inclination to abridge their 
liberty. Vane manfully apologized. Peters besought him, in 
view of his youth and short experience in the course of religion, 
to beware of hasty conclusions and measures. While these men 
of true worth, were so brought into temporary collision, their per- 
ception was unable to look through the veil of the future, and 
behold themselves perseveringly agreed in the support of freedom, 
at the hazard and final cost of their lives. Dec. 21. Having 
preached to great acceptance with the Silem Congregation, Pe- 
ters became their pastor. No other minister's influence and 
labors in the Colony now equalled his, for Cotton's were in a 
short eclipse, through his leniency for the doctrines of Mrs. Hutch- 
inson. As an assistant in his pastoral duties, Peters had George 
Burdet, popular for his talents, learning, and eloquence. The lat- 
ter was employed at Salem in the year of the former's arrival, 
and continued there to the summer of 1637, but going soon after 



14 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

to the eastward, he was discovered at York, 1639, as holding cor- 
respondence with Laud and others of the Lords Commissioners, 
in which he asserted, that Massachusetts aimed more at indepen- 
dence of the Crown, than reformation in ecclesiastical government. 

1637, Jan. 19. The church of Peters, like the rest in the Juris- 
diction, keep a fast-day, because of the distresses endured by 
Protestants in Germany, as the result of victories gained by the 
Imperialists ; of the sufferings inflicted on ministers in England, 
whose conscientious scruples kept them from reading the Book 
of Sabbath sports; and of the religious discussions among the 
people here. 

Aug. 30. At the Synod, convened at Newton, Peters was 
present with others of the Country. A main design with them 
was to collect the prevalent opinions, which they considered wrong 
and injurious, as well as to devise means for the suppression of 
animosity, which existed between the Legalists and Antinomians, 
so termed by each other. Of such opinions " about eighty-two 
were condemned by the whole Assembly." 

Nov. 2. The expectation, which had been generally indulged, 
that the measures of the Synod would induce Mrs. Hutchinson 
and her brother-in-law, Wheelwright, 1o discontinue exertions for 
the spread of their creed, was disappointed. Hence, the General 
Court, being in session, arraigned both of them. After they had 
banished him for expressions in his sermon, which they construed 
as promotive of insurrection, they summoned her to answer. 
With accustomed ability she sustained a long and searching 
trial. Peters, as one of a committee, who waited on her to learn 
the principles, she really cherished, was an important witness. 
He stated his lothfulness to testily, unless required by the Court. 
On the Governor's intimation, that he should proceed, he remai li- 
ed " W T e shall give you a fair account of what was said, and 
desire that we may not be thought informers against the gentle- 
woman." He went on to relate, that he and others called on Mr. 
Cotton concerning the reports of what Mrs. Hutchinson had 
said about the Elders. " So going on in the discourse, we 
thought it good to send for this gentlewoman, and she willingly 
came. I did then take upon me to ask her this question : What 
difference do you conceive to be between your Teacher and us? 
She answered that he preaches the covenant of grace and you 
the covenant of works, and you know no more than the Apostles 
did before the resurrection of Christ." She made some expla- 
nations, but they did not satisfy the Court. The conclusion was, 
that this Body felt themselves called to decide, that she should be 
banished from their jurisdiction, so soon as the weather would 
permit. The reason for such painful severity was stated by 
Winthrop; as to her and some of her prominent supporters, " 1he 
General Court finding, upon consultation, that two so opposite 
parties could not contain (continue) in the same body, without 
apparent hazard of ruin to the whole, agreed to send away seme 
of the principal." 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 15 

This was the persuasion of Peters, however it crossed his strong 
and habitual benevolence. Of his own parishioners, several were 
among the remonstrants in favor of Wheelwright, who were all 
disarmed, lest they might re-enact the scenes of violence, commit- 
ted by the Anabaptists in Germany. 

As a trust of prime importance to the literary and religious 
interests of an infant colony, Peters is elected a member of the 
Overseers of the College. 

At the same session, he enjoyed the high satisfaction of know- 
ing, that the Legislature granted to Joan Ames, the worthy relict 
of his colleague in Rotterdam, Dr. Ames, ,£40. Thus generously 
dealing, they mention her deceased husband, as "of famous 
memory." She, having come over with her children and his 
valuable library, had been granted land at Salem, and received as 
a member of the church there. Such beneficence was most pro- 
bably manifested through the kind regard and exertion of Peters, 
who was the sincere friend of Ames and his family. His attach- 
ments were far from being the mere " shade, that follows wealth 
and fame," and leaves the afflicted without consolation. 

1638. About this time, he visits the portion of his flock at 
Enon, afterwards Wen ham. He favors them and their neigh- 
bors with one of his pithy and pertinent discourses. The spot, 
then selected for his stand, was the top of a beautiful hill, near 
what was recently the stage road and the margin of the spacious 
pond. His text, according to his frequent custom, is strikingly 
suited to the localities of the situation. It is, " In Enon, near to 
Salim, because there was much water there." The eminence^ so 
used as a natural pulpit, still bears the surname of this dis tin- 
guished divine. Like most mementoes of human actions, it is 
gradually diminished before the inroads of inventive convenience. 
What strange occurrences time brings to pass ! Near the very 
place, where Peters made his dying speech on the scaffold, there 
may be now seen, in the proper season, advertisements of " Wen- 
ham Lake-Ice for sale." 

Among the several conferences, between Peters, his Elder, and 
other brethren, and the followers of Williams, who separated from 
the Salem Church, was one with Francis Weston. This person, 
who intelligently and ingeniously sustained his cause, presented 
the subsequent complaints. That he was not tolerated in asking 
questions in time of public worship, on the Lord's day, without 
the imputation of pride and self-sufficiency. That the Church 
communed with Mr. Lathrop's Church, who did the same in rela- 
tion to the Church of England, and, therefore, the first of these 
bodies was alike chargeable with the second of them. That 
Peters had publicly remarked, with respect to the separatists, that 
it was " better to part, than to live contentiously." He replied, 
that it was true, but he meant that such an act should be " in a 
way of Christ." That the wife (1) of Peters and others, who 

(1) There was an Anne Peters, who took up her relation from the Salem Church 
and united with the Boston Church about 1631. 

3 



16 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

came from Rotterdam after he did, had been received as members 
of his church at Salem, though by an unintentional omission, 
they brought no letters of recommendation. However he had 
spoken in their behalf, and was the principal means of their 
acceptance, yet, to meet the wish of objectors, he agrees with the 
majority, to send thither for such testimonials. This controversy 
favors us with the fact, that his first wife emigrated hither to aid 
him in the great work, to which he had consecrated his time and 
energies. On these occasions he prominently exhibited a disposi- 
tion of candor and kindness. He granted the accused a fair 
opportunity to vindicate themselves in truth and righteousness. 
With him, it was neither principle nor practice, that might was 
always right. 

March 12. Again is Peters placed by the Government on a 
committee for compiling a code of laws. 

April 12. With the other churches, his own solemnly keep a 
fast day for divine deliverance from the threatening evil of a Gen- 
eral Governor for the Colonies, and the consequent dissolution of 
their charter privileges, and the loss of all their religious freedom, 
for which they had prayed, toiled, and suffered. This was em- 
phatically a time of trial for him and the founders of the Com- 
monwealth, who were in imminent peril of being brought under 
the power of the dominant party in England, from which they had 
fled. Sooner than give up their present liberties, they felt them- 
selves sacredly bound to resist the forces, which they expected 
would be sent over to impose upon them, the dreaded yoke of 
hierarchy. 

November 12. As an encouragement for the unwearied pains 
of Peters to advance theirs, as well as the country's best good, the 
proprietors, among whom he dwelt, grant him 230 acres of 
land, (1) in addition to 50 more at the head of Forest River the 
previous year, part of which bears his name to this day. 

Dec. 6. He attends the execution of Dorothy Talby, one of his 
parish, in Boston. Under a false impression, that she had been 
commanded from heaven, to kill her husband, children and herself, 
she tried to fulfil it, but only succeeded to take the life of one 
among the children. He cautioned the spectators against the 
pernicious effects of compliance with imaginary revelations. 

1039, May 22. As he was favorably known in Holland, the 
Generel Court request him to send thither, in their behalf, for 
of a supply of match (2) and saltpetre. They vote him 500 acres 
of land for his public services. 

June 25. With respect to his domestic affairs, he had an Indian 

(1) He had a lot, "over against the meeting house on the north side," in Salem. 
His agent sold a quarter of an acre of ii for 40s. in 1652. It is likely, that his house 
stood on or near the spot so purchased. Peters, in his history of Connecticut, says, that 
his relative, Hugh, had the yard before such dwelling, paved with flint stones from 
England, and a well, surrounded with similar pavement, for the accommodation of all 
who wished for water there. 

(2) This article was generally used with muskets, instead of flints. 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 17 

servant, called Hope, (1) probably one of the Pequod captives. 
This person is brought to our notice in a way, unfavorable to his 
character. A Court record informs us, that, for intemperance and 
running away, he was sentenced to be whipped. The employ- 
ment of such natives in families, was anciently common in New 
England. 

July 1. By the vote of his church, and in accordance with regu- 
lar usage, he notifies the Dorchester church, that Roger Williams 
and others, who had been members of the former, and had failed 
to make concessions, requisite for the continuance of such a rela- 
tion, had been excommunicated. While deeply regretting the 
causes which terminated in the exclusion of those, who settled 
Providence, he could no longer omit such a custom and still har- 
monize with the ecclesiastical order of the Colony. 

1640, Jan. 2. Before this date, Peters had been called to taste 
the bitterest sorrows in the death of his first wife, to whom he was 
strongly^ attached, and of whom he made honorable mention. 
She, like many a noble sister of humanity, made large sacri- 
fices for the rich heritage, which we enjoy. Though for her and 
their dust, 

No " frail memorial, still erected nigh, 
Implores the passing tribute of a sigh," 

still it will awake and assume its spiritual forms, which will 
rejoice in the endless smile of approving Deity. He had recently 
married Mrs. Deliverance Sheffield, a member of the Boston 
Church, (2) who is now dismissed to the Salem Church. He 
was soon bereaved of the enjoyment in her society, which he had 
anticipated, by her being deprived of reason. He was called to 
endure so deep a calamity for twenty years, to the tragic close of 
his life. 

March 18. He receives an intelligent and talented colleague 
in the person of Edward Norris, to share with him the responsi- 
bilities of the clerical calling. 

Nov. He attends the formation of a Church at Lynn, com- 
posed of individuals who had emigrated thence and settled on 
Long Island On the same occasion, he takes part in the ordina- 
tion of Abraham Pierson, as their guide in the spread of Gospel 
knowledge and influences. * 

1641, Feb. 2. As emigration to this country had much dimin- 
ished, from the greater enjojmient of freedom in England, and 
shipping was needed to carry on the colonial trade, Peters, " a man 
of a very public spirit and singular activity for all occasions," as 
Winthrop observes, stirs up his people to have a ship built of 300 
tons. The inhabitants of Boston were stimulated by this exam- 
ple, to do likewise, though their vessel was of less tonnage. 

(1) An Indian of this name, a slave of Edward Winslow, of Plymouth, was sold 
by an agent to John Mainford, of Barbadoes, Jan. 12,1 648. 

(2) She joined the Boston Church, March 10, 1639. 



18 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

The friends of New England, who were in the mother country, 
sent over advice, that agents should be dispatched thither to notice 
the national movements, and embrace opportunities to obtain the 
favor of Parliament in behalf of the colonists. A prominent 
motive for such a proposal, was, that advocates here, experimen- 
tally acquainted with the Congregational polity, might help there 
to counteract the powerful influence of the Presbyterians. The 
Assistants, having consulted with several of the Elders, proposed 
Weld, of Roxbury, Hibbens, of Boston, and Peters, of Salem, for 
so important an embassy. The Governor, nearly all the magis- 
trates, and some of the Elders wrote, and desired the society of 
the last town, to relinquish the services of their minister, desig- 
nated for such a trust. Endicott, one of his principal parishioners, 
argued against the request, but Humphrey, another, took opposite 
ground. The answer of his people was, that the severance of his 
connection with them, even for a limited period, was a greater 
sacrifice, than they felt themselves bound to make. Winthrop 
relates, that the main cause of such a response, was their fear, 
lest Peters should be detained in England, or diverted to the 
West Indies, whither Humphrey expected to go under the auspices 
of Lord Say and his associates. 

April. For the purpose of effecting a reconciliation between 
the adherents of Hanserd Knolles, on the one part, and those of 
Thomas Larkham, on the other, both clergymen, at Piscataqua, 
Peters went thither in company with Simon Bradstreet and Rev. 
Timothy Dalton. They successfully performed their errand and 
experienced the blessedness of peace-makers. In attempting to 
visit Accomenticus, Peters and Dalton, with two others, lost their 
course and wandered two days and a night, destitute of food, in 
wet and snow. Thus imperiled, they were nigh perishing, but a 
kind Providence heard their cry, and gave them deliverance. Lech- 
ford states, that Peters " wqnt a second time for appeasing the 
same difference and had a commission from the Governor under 
his hand and public seal to bring the case before the Court of 
Justices there, whose descision was adverse to Knolles and his 
supporters." 

June 2. The Legislature renew their application for filling the 
number of their commissioners to London. Their address is, 
" The Court doth entreat leave of the Church of Salem for Mr. 
Peters to go for England." So pressed again on this subject, they 
denied their own wishes for the sake of the greater benefit of the 
Commonwealth, and very reluctantly gave up the teachings and 
society of their pastor. 

July 27. About to comply with this pressing call, he empowers 
his worthy deacons, Gott and Horn, as follows : " If the Lord 
continue my life, then I hereby do authorize them to do all my 
affairs, as if myself were present, as in looking into my house, to 
dispose of my ground, mill, and other things, as in wisdom they 
shall see meet." Such a needful act of prudence, no doubt, 
brought over his spirit its usual associations of sadness, lest the 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 19 

places, on which he had often looked, as familiar acquaintances, 
might soon cease forever to feel the pressure of his feet and to meet 
the greeting of his eyes. 

Aug. 3. Having prepared for his voyage, depressed at the 
thought of separating from a beloved flock, but sustained with the 
promises of discharged obligation, Peters and his two colleagues 
depart, on their important embassy, by the way of Newfound- 
land. Their instructions are to congratulate Parliament on their 
success ; to petition them for a repeal of impost, but not to receive 
privileges from them so as to commit the Colony, as an ally, in 
any event. This, of course, had reference to the doubtful issue of 
the contest, between the Royalists and the Reformers of govern- 
ment. The Agents were, also, desired to inform the creditors of 
our merchants, that a reason, why they had delayed to forward 
payment for goods, was the embarrassment of their trade. 

Embarked on an enterprise of great uncertainty as well as re- 
sponsibility, Peters had ground to expect, that, if spared to tread 
once more on the soil of his native land, the aspect of its civil and 
ecclesiastical concerns, would strike him very differently from what 
it was when he last bade it farewell. Prior to his leaving New 
England, he had learned that Parliament were " set upon a gene- 
ral reformation of Church and State ; " that Bishop Laud and the 
chief supporters of his policy, were imprisoned, and, that, however 
the Presbyterians, especially the Covenanters of Scotland, held 
great sway, and were strenuous for adopting their form of religion, 
as the national standard, yet there was hope for Independency 
and the opportunity for its advancement should be seasonably 
improved. Hence the cause, on which his heart was set, and for 
which he had made many sacrifices of personal promotion, con- 
venience, and comfort, had assumed an encouraging appearance 
and urged him onward to the kingdom, where exertions for its 
ascendancy could be most hopefully made. 

Having reached Newfoundland, he and his colleagues were dis- 
appointed in not securing a passage so soon as they anticipated. 
But Weld and himself did not suffer the days of their detention, 
to pass away without useful employment. " They preached to 
the seamen of the Island, who were much affected with the word 
taught, and entertained them with all courtesy." They wisely 
believed, that beneficence done to fellow beings in obscurity, 
would stand as fair for them in their final account, as though it 
had been performed in the grandest metropolis of earth. The 
question with the Great I Am, is not where his will is obeyed, 
but how. 

Oct. 10. After the news that Peters and his associates were 
thus on the way to their father-land, a commission (1) is made 
out for him personally. It was signed by Haynes and Winthrop, 

(1) If this document reached Peters amid the troublous scenes of England, it came 
to his hands, as from the Colony of Connecticut, and not from the distinct company of 
Hartford, who had purchased lands for their particular use, where the Dutch had 
claims and a trading establishment near the same town, a chief cause of the difficulties 



20 . Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

the former Governor of Connecticut, and the latter, sustaining a 
like office in Massachusetts. Its object was described, as follows : 
" Whereas the bearer, Mr. Hugh Peters, minister of Salem, is sent 
at the public request to England, to negotiate with the present 
Parliament there about such matters as concern us, which we con- 
fide to his care and fidelity, this is to authorize him, if occasion 
permit him to go to the Netherlands, to treat with the West India 
Company there, concerning a peaceable neighborhood between us 
and those of New Netherlands, and whatever he shall further think 
proper touching the WesJ; Indies." Then several propositions 
were subjoined, which contain fair ofTers for the territory on Con- 
necticut River, held and claimed by the Dutch authorities of 
New Netherlands, and a continual source of perilous controversy 
between them and the English in that vicinity. A reason why 
Winthrop took part in the matter, was, that Massachusetts exer- 
cised jurisdiction over some of the land, conquered from the 
Pequods, and in the quarter liable to aggressions from the Dutch 
of Manhattan. The intrusting of so important a negotiation to 
Peters, was a compliment to his integrity and intelligence, as well 
as to his love for New England. 

1642. Having reached London, the location of his former and 
abundant popularity and usefulness, and, also, of persecution for 
non-conformity, Peters attended to the calls of his mission so far , 
as circumstances allowed. Subsequently reverting to this period 
of his eventful life, he thus expressed himself. I continued in 
Massachusetts, "till sent hither by the Plantation to mediate 
ease in customs and excise, the country being poor, and a tender 
plant of their own setting ; " and to obtain " some supplies for 
learning, etc., because I had been witness to the Indians, receiv- 
ing the Gospel there, in faith and practice. I had nothing to 
support me, but the Parliament's promise. Not being able, in a 
short time, to compass my errand, I studied with a constant pur- 
pose of returning. I found the nation embroiled in troubles and 
war ; the preaching was, Curse ye Meroz, from Scotland to Eng- 
land ; the best ministers going into the field, in which, without 
urging, I was embarked in time." On his trial, he was represented 
by one of the witnesses, as having told him, that the main object 
of his re-visiting England, was to advance the revolution and 
reformation. This statement was probably an inference from the 
conversation, on which it was predicated. True, it was in accor- 
dance with the principles and wishes of himself, as well as of the 
authorities, who sent him over. Both he and they knew, that if 
the struggle for the permanent correction of the national govern- 
ment, as it had lately been, should fail, the civil and ecclesiastical 
liberties of the Puritan Colonies, would be destroyed. Hence, it 
was not strange, that he and they, while regarding their own 

which existed. Not making such a distinction, O'Calleghan in his valuable history of 
New Netherlands, which contains the Commission, p. 235, says, that Winthrop v. 2., p. 
32, errs in asserting, that Peters did not receive a Commission from Hartford, when 
in fact, he was correct. The same is true as to the criticism on Hubbard. 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 21 

cause as just, should desire and act, as opportunity presented 
for the defeat of its avowed and hostile antagonist. The Inde- 
pendents, with whom he became connected, were soon convinced, 
that, having drawn the sword against Royalty, it would be con- 
sistent for them to throw away the scabbard. Still, when he 
embarked for the metropolis of his native land, all was uncertain 
as to the issue of the contest, and it is likely, that the most he and 
the Colonial Rulers expected, was a greater restraint to the power 
of the Crown and the security of larger freedom to its subjects. 
To this extent, he was probably disposed to be understood, when 
speaking of the silent intention of his embassy, in connection 
with its expressed instructions. Such an acknowledgement was 
treason in the view of the Cavaliers, but patriotism in that of the 
Roundheads. 

August. Some fruits of the industrious and benevolent activity 
of Peters and his associates, reach Boston. They were a needed 
supply of linen, woollen, and other goods, to the amount of X500, 
which were contributed by friends to this country. Through the 
endeavors of such Agents, Richard Andrews, of London, renewed 
his generous intercourse with our fathers, by presenting to them 
a claim of his for =£500, for the use of their poor, on the Company 
of Plymouth. Near this time, they also obtained .£150 from 
Lady Moulson and other donations from the liberally inclined, 
for the benefit of the College. 

September. Letters had been received from Puritan members 
of both houses of Parliament, for Cotton, Davenport, and Hooker 
to visit England and attend the Synod, appointed there, to con- 
sider and advise about Church Government. The aid of these 
Divines was particularly desired and needed, because they had 
practical acquaintance with religious Independency, which was 
comparatively at a low ebb there, while Presbyterianism continu- 
ed at full flood. While the subject of ecclesiastical polity was 
generally regarded by the Kingdom as of great importance, seeing 
that Hierarchy had been suppressed, a communication came 
from Peters and Weld, advising, that the visit of such ministers 
be suspended, because a rupture had taken place between the 
King and Parliament. They were hearkened to and thus for this 
and other reasons, they had not these valuable assistants to help 
them contend for their Platform of Congregational Order, in 
Westminster Assembly. 

Hibbens who had taken leave of Peters and Weld, arrived at 
Boston, and in compliance with the custom, publicly related be- 
fore the Church the events of his agency. 

Referring to an audience with his Majesty, near this date, 
Peters observed, " I had access to the King about my New Eng- 
land business. He used me civilly." 

In the latter part of the current year, Peters had an invitation 
to visit Ireland, then in rebellion, as a chaplain in the Parlimen- 
tary service for the defence of the Kingdom and of the Protestant 
religion. Preparations for such an expedition, according to Rush- 
worth, were making in London on the 3d of November. In 



22 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

a relation of the occurrence to his daughter, Peters remarks, 
" Most of your London, godly ministers, being engaged in 
person, purse, and preaching in the trouble. I had the pay of 
a preacher." As an addition to this, his last publication has the 
passage, " My first work was, with the first, to go for Ireland, 
which I did with many hazards ; then I was at sea, with my old 
patron, the Earl of Warwick, to whom I owed my life." Employ- 
ed amid scenes of peril and misery, which ever accompany civil 
war, his heart often ached and his wish was to afford relief to the 
distressed. 

1643, Jan 30. An ordinance is issued by Parliament for "loans 
and contributions for Ireland, as well from the United Provinces, as 
from England and Wales." The document begins, " Whereas 
the gasping condition of the Protestants in Ireland is too much 
manifest, their estates devoured, their lives daily sacrificed, not only 
to the malice of their and our bloody enemies, the Popish Rebels, 
but, also, to the more unavoidable executioners, starving, cold, 
and hunger, their sorrows hardly to be equalled, nor their utter 
destruction possible to be prevented, but by the great and unde- 
served mercy of God, upon some speedy supply of their grevious 
necessities." With such an appeal before him, whose sad reali- 
ties he had seen with his own eyes, followed with an application 
for his labor to give it effect, Peters needed no solicitation. His 
generous impulses far outstript his swiftest facilities of travel. He 
hastened to Holland, the sphere of his former usefulness and 
respectability, to obtain help for multitudes of such sufferers. 
Through his eloquence and activity, he collected nearly <£30,000. 
With so noble a contribution from the friends of the Reformation, 
he went back to the field of his toils, and assisted in distributing 
it among the needy, for whom he so magnanimously acted the 
part of a good Samaritan. After this distinguished compliance with 
the calls of philanthropy and religion, he returned to England. 

O'Callaghan relates, from credible authorities, that, while 
Peters was on such a mission of charity, his preaching, in several 
cities of Holland, was unfavorable to the cause of Charles I., and 
that, in Amsterdam, he charged him with encouraging the Irish 
Romanists in rebellion, against the Parliament, and in their con- 
sequent cruelties upon their Protestant countrymen. He further 
states, that such a representation so deeply affected his audiences, 
" crowds of women gave their wedding rings " to relieve the many 
thus distressed. Boswell, the English embassador, being then in 
the Netherlands, complained of speeches, so made by Peters, to 
the Government, who showed far more favor to the Republican 
preacher, than to the loyal statesman. 

March 10. As a prominent object of Peters mission to 
London, the Parliament release New England from all duties on 
imports and exports to and from the mother country, which were 
for the home consumption of the colonists. Such compliance with 
his wish, for the benefit of his friends here, must have yielded him 
" the heart-felt joy." 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 23 

Brought to experience what he often had occasion to express, 
that there is no eminence of human origin, which temporal 
changes may not overthrow, Bishop Laud is imprisoned. He is 
thus confined on the charge of treason against the State. 

1643, March 24. He notes in his diary ; " One Mi*. Foord told 
me, he is a Suffolk man, that there is a plot to send me and 
Bishop Wren to New England, within fourteen days. 

. April 25. It was moved in the House of Commons, to send 
me to New England, but it was rejected. The plot was laid by 
Peters, Wells and others." This endeavor of Peters to have the 
Primate banished, instead of being put to death, accords with 
his repeated declarations, that his wish and exertion were to 
spare the lives of the Royalists, who were in peril of public 
execution. 

Concerning his relative position, as to his distinguished bene- 
factors, Peters observes, " Upon my return, was staid again from 
home by the Earl of Warwick, my patron, then by the Earl of 
Essex ; afterwards by the Parliament." Thus he failed of re- 
visiting his American residence, for which he had strong desires, 
true affection and kind wishes. Had he known the end of 
such delay, his ardent aspiration would have been, — ' k The ill, I 
ask, deny." 

About this season of the year, " Church Government and 
Church Covenant," being a reply of our Elders to 32 questions 
sent over to them by ministers of England in 1640, is printed there 
and recommended by Peters. In his prefatory remarks, he refers to 
the ecclesiastical affairs of the kingdom. " I do conceive, that 
this sword will not be sheathed, which is now drawn, till church- 
work be better known. Presbytery and Independency are the 
ways of worship and church fellowship, now looked at, since we 
hope, Episcopacy is coffined out and will be buried without ex- 
pectation of another resurrection. We need not tell the wise, 
whence tyranny grew in Churches, and how Commonwealths got 
their pressure in the like kind. These be our sighs and hearty 
wishes, that self may be conquered in this poor nation, which 
shuts the door against these truths. Commonly, questions and 
answers clear up the way, when other treatises leave us to dark- 
ness." This acquiescence in the downfall of Hierarchy, as here 
expressed, was vividly recollected against him when it came to be 
revived. The production he so aided to circulate, and others, 
from the able pens of our Elders, were eagerly sought by advo- 
cates of Congregationalism, as the fruits of experience and effic- 
ient auxiliaries to advance the cause of freedom in Church and 
State, and, also, much feared and contradicted by their oppon- 
ents, as powerful hindrances to the success of their plans for the 
dominancy. 

July 5. While in the metropolis, Peters found various channels 
for the'flow of his expansive benevolence. Having attended on 
Mr. Chaloner, under sentence for being implicated in the Waller, 
4 



24 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

plot, with the precepts and consolations of the gospel, he now 
continues similar ministrations towards him, at the place of exe- 
cution. Peters inquires of the prisoner, conscious of the solemni- 
ties which surrounded and of the momentous realities which 
awaited him, if he had any thing more to explain concerning the 
plot. He replies, " It came from Mr. Waller under this notion, 
that, if we could make a third party here in London, to stand be- 
twixt, to unite the King and Parliament, it would be a very 
acceptable work, for now the three kingdoms lay a bleeding, and 
unless that were done, there were no hopes to reunite them." 
After several other observations, Peters offers prayer with him, 
whose last words are, " I commend my soul into the hands of my 
God." 

Sept. 25. Weld, the colleague of Peters, pens in London, the 
following paragraph with his consent, then absent from that city : 
" The present condition of this kingdom, yt is now vpon the ver- 
ticall point, together with ye incredible importunities of very many 
godly persons, great and smale, (who hapely conceive we by our 
presence doe more good here, then we ourselves dare imagine yt 
we doe) haue made vs, after many various thoughts, much agita- 
tion and consultation with God and men, vnwillingly willing, to 
venter ourselves vpon God's Providence here and be content to 
tarry one six moneths longer from you and our churches most de- 
sired presence, with whom our hearts are, without the least wav- 
ering, fixed. Things cannot long stand at this passe here, as now, 
but will speedily be better or worse. If better, we shall not repent 
vs to have bene spectators and furtherers of our deare Countries 
good, and to be happy messengers of ye good newes thereof vnto 
you. If worse, we are like to bring thousands with vs to you." 
They desire, that the communication, containing this extract, may 
be read to their respective churches. The passage, so quoted, in- 
dicates, that, amid events, soon to be succeeded with great results 
to the nation, the influence of these two divines was highly ap- 
preciated and . strongly desired in continuance, by numerous 
friends of reform. It, also, shows, that while they longed to renew 
their pastoral cares and labors in their adopted country, they denied 
this wish, that they might assist, to the utmost of their power, 
in promoting what they conscientiously believed to be the high- 
est welfare of their native land. 

Dec. 10. A letter is addressed by Winthrop, " To his Rev- 
erend and very Godly Brother, Mr. Hugh Peters," in London. 
It refers to Parker's manuscript and others from this country, on 
Presbyterianism. Its words are, " Our late Assembly of about 
forty Elders met, wherein the way of our churches was approved, 
and the Presbytery disallowed." This information was as a sharp 
arrow from the quiver of Peters, in his continual combat with the 
superior power of the party, who favored the speculations of 
Parker. 

16445 J an « 4- Brought to the scaffold for political offences, Sir 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 25 

John Hotham forgives all concerned in his trial, and thanks Peters 
for reminding him so to do. The latter as his spiritual adviser, 
speaks in his behalf, and, in his name, desires the spectators 
would notice in him, soon to die, " The vanity of all things here 
below, as wit, parts, prowess, strength, friends and honour." After 
this, Peters having prayed, and then Sir John, they sing the 38th 
Psalm. The latter spends a quarter of an hour behind the block, 
in private supplication, and then gives his neck to the axe, which 
severs it at a single blow. Clarendon's relation of this mournful 
scene, is incorrect, and his epithet of " ungodly confessor," as ap- 
plied to Peters, is of the same description. 

March 12. In a speech of Bishop Laud, at the beginning of 
his trial, he" says, after narrating the individuals, whom he had 
been the means of turning from Romanism, " Let any clergyman 
of England come forth and give a better account of his zeal to the 
Church." Peters, who stood near him, replied, that, however he 
was an humble individual among many hundreds of ministers in 
the kingdom, he had been instrumental, through divine aid, of 
bringing not only twenty-two from Papistry, but one hundred 
and twenty, who " witnessed a good profession," as true Protest- 
ants and sincere Christians. He added, that others as well as 
himself, were able to produce hundreds of real converts to Christ, 
for each whom the Prelate could. This answer gave great offence 
to the latter. There is no wonder, that it did, with his impres- 
sions of privilege and deference, which he had properly received, 
as the Primate of England. Especially so must it have been, as 
the reply came from the mouth of one, who had fled beyond the 
reach of his power, and returned as the representative of a Colony, 
whose authorities, above those of all others, had resisted his com- 
mands and prevented the enforcement of his plans for the sup- 
pression of all non-conformity on their shores. Still, he had 
thrown down the glove, and it was manfully taken up. Of the 
result, he had no real cause to complain. 

April 12. Bailie writes to Spang. He complains, that the 
Independents so thwarted the Presbyterians in the Assembly, 
as to prevent their bringing matters to a close, in accordance with 
their wish. He particularly singles out Peters, as one of their 
principal troublers. 

June. Being among the Chaplains for the forces against those 
of the Royalists, Peters reaches London. He, as Whitelock nar- 
rates, " gave a large relation to the Commons of all the business 
of Lyme, where he was with the Earl of Warwick, and that, after 
the siege was raised, the enemy set fire on divers gallant houses 
about Studcome, Frampton, and other places." This nobleman, 
who showed particular regard for Peters, soon resigned his mili- 
tary commission, in consequence of the " self-denying ordinance," 
adopted by Parliament, which excluded members of both Houses, 
from being officers in the army. 

1645, Jan. Bishop Laud having been condemned on the 
charge of attempting to subvert the essental laws of the kingdom, 



26 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

is visited by Peters, who, long before, as a prosecuted non-con- 
formist, had been to his Palace. At the request of the visiter, a 
motion had been offered in the Commons, as previously stated, 
to release and send him to America. While the instinctive com- 
passion of Peters for the afflicted forbids the suspicion, that he 
intended, by this proposal, to mock the fallen Prelate, still the 
friends of the latter readily endorsed such a representation. They 
quoted the words of the Bishop, " The plot was laid by Peters 
and others of that crew, that they might insult over me." The 
very spirit, exhibited on the face of this passage, gives the impres- 
sion to every candid beholder, that what was meant in compara- 
tive kindness, on one hand, was viewed as the offspring of 
malevolence on the other. 

In the account, given by Wood, of graduates from Oxford, we 
have an extract, which is a sample of the severe style, used by 
royalists towards republicans, and which should be taken with 
many grains of charitable allowance. Speaking of the three lost 
books of Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity, deposited by order of 
Archbishop Abbot, in the Library at Lambeth, Wood indulges in 
the subsequent strain. They remained there, " till the decollation 
of Archbishop Laud ; were then, by the Brethren of the predomi- 
nant faction given with the library, to that most notorious villain 
Hugh Peters, as a reward for his remarkable service in those sad 
times of the Churches' confusion. And though they could hardly 
fall into a fouler hand, yet there wanted not other endeavors to 
corrupt and make them speak that language, for which the Fac- 
tion then fought, which was to subject the Sovereign poiver to the 
People. From the said copy, several transcripts were taken, not 
only I presume, while it remained in the said Library, but while 
it continued in the hands of Peters, differing much in words." 
The epithets of disparagement, here poured out, are evidently the 
expressions of prejudice against all of political principles opposite 
to those of the writer. Though the author of them could see no 
good come out of the Nazareth of revolution, under any circum- 
stances, still much of real merit was possessed by the founders 
of the English Commonwealth. The villany and foulness attrib- 
uted to Peters, were images of suspicion, but of no real entity. 
The intimation, thrown out by the same author, that this object 
of his displeasure may have been accessary to the giving of incor- 
rect copies of the Polity, for the sake of party purposes, is so 
vague, it deserves scarcely an attempt at refutation. Baxter, of 
better information and greater candor, in this matter, explicitly 
states, that the work had undergone no such alteration. 

Different representations have been given as to the number and 
value of the Primate's library, granted by Parliament to Peters. 
The latter estimated the worth of its volumes at £140, much less 
than generally conjectured. He intended to transport them for 
Massachusetts, most likely as a donation for the College. Brook 
quotes the language of Laud, relative to this subject. " All my 
books at Lambeth, were, bv order of the House of Commons, 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 27 

taken away and carried I know not whither ; but are, as it is com- 
monly said, for the use of Peters. Before this time, some good 
number of my books were delivered to the use of the Synod," or 
Westminster Assembly. The vicissitudes, to which these volumes 
and their owners were subjected, are emblems of the mutations, 
to which all temporal greatness is exposed, and an admonition, 
that nothing earthly is sure in its promise of good, but right mo- 
tive and life, which forever yield a rich revenue of " the soul's 
calm sunshine." 

April 2. In the exercise of his clerical duties, Peters delivers 
a sermon before Parliament, the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of 
London, and the Assembly. It is from Judges, 3 c. 31 vs. Its 
subject is, " God's doings and man's duty." Its occasion is the 
success of the Parliamentary arms in the West. It is replete with 
original, sound and salutary thoughts. Though it exhibits its au- 
thor, as the decided advocate of rational liberty, yet it affords no 
proof of his rudely trampling on the opponents of his cause. In 
the introductory remarks, he states, that he had derived great satis- 
faction from his chaplaincy in the army, under Sir Thomas Fair- 
fax. In his dedication to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, he 
intimates, that the tide of slander, afterwards overwhelming him, 
had already begun its course. His words are, " How I have been 
represented to you and others by printing or otherwise, shall not 
fill up this paper." Near the close of the discourse, he observes, 
" I know no publick person, but ought to carry a spare handker- 
chief to wipe off dirt ; yet certainly blasting men's names in print, 
is not the way to clear a cause in dispute. Let us look to our 
duty, and the Lord will care for our reproaches." Men, however 
worthy, who are eminently active in seasons of political or relig- 
ious excitement, are, too often, made a mark for detraction. It is 
a debasing frailty of our nature, in such collisions, not to 
spare where equity requires, but to prostrate by every possible 

method. 

June 4. Cromwell writes to the government from Huntingdon, 
where Peters, his faithful friend, was with him. 

6. The " Occurrences of Parliament," contain the ensuing 
passage, " Whereas, the last week, a petition was presented to 
the House by the Common Council in the name of the City, the 
day before many came to Guild Hall, to that end, and their spirits 
being much moved by the loss of Lester, Master Peters was in- 
treated to speak something to quiet them, which he did to this 
purpose, viz : beseeching them to let go all differences about relig- 
ion, and as Romans and Londoners, to attend the public safety 
of the city and kingdom, which was cheerfully assented to, and all 
men's spirits quieted, for which good service of his, amongst 
others of no small consequence, it is hoped, that all good men will 
be thankful to him, who hath not spared himself to the utmost, 
upon his own charge, to serve his native country." The compli- 
ment here paid to the patriotism of its subject, was no flattery to 
his pride, but the genuine expression of regard for his real desert. 
5 



28 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

It was no less his due, because, at the downfall of the Common- 
wealth, it was converted into reproach. The contrast was pro- 
duced, not by the extinguishment of his kind affections or the loss 
of his probity, but by the fickleness of popular applause. The 
notes of this, too often, are, in accordance with the diversified 
phases of a man's life, — crown him, — or away with him. 

24. Tidings, relative to the storming of Bridgewater, which 
submitted the 22d, reach the metropolis ; " That the Lord's day 
before, Mr. Peters and Mr. Boles, in their sermons, encouraged the 
soldiers to the work. About 7 at night, the foot being drawn out, 
and those, that commanded the storm and forlorn, Mr. Peters, in 
the field, gave them an exhortation to do their duties." 

26. Having brought letters from Sir Thomas Fairfax, he « was 
called into the House, and made a large relation of the particular 
passages in the taking of Bridgewater. He also produced several 
commissions in characters, which the House referred to a Com- 
mittee to be decyphered, and gave £100 to Mr. Peters, for his 
unwearied services." 

• Aug 'r> About this ti . me ' in compliance with his former applica- 
tion to Parliament, they pass an ordinance, enlarging that of 1643, 
which allowed aU exports to New England to be free from duties 
without the previous restriction. Massachusetts, as an expression 
of their gratitude for such favor, repeal, in October, their rule of 
the previous May session, for 6d. a ton on foreign vessels, with 
reference to such as bore the Parliament's flag. Thus it was, that 
Peters was vigilant to embrace opportunities for the prosperity of 
our ancestors, to strengthen their ties of attachment to the Repub- 
lican party in their native land, and bring the influences of their 
practical freedom to bear efficiently on the political character of 
the battling kingdom. 

Sept. 9. Still engaged, like others of the most worthy clergy- 
men, as a chaplain of the Parliamentary forces, Peters is again 
brought to our notice in the* Memorials of Whitlock. He "was 
called into the House, and gave them a particular account of the 
siege of Bristol, and the cause of sitting down before it to pre- 
vent the plunder and cruelties of Prince Rupert in that country 
and he pressed the desire of Sir Thomas Fairfax to have recruits 
sent him." 

Oct. 4. In accordance with the request of Peters and Weld 
the authorities of Massachusetts appoint other commissioners to 
supply their place in England. As the sequel shows, they both 
felt themselves called to continue there, and exert themselves, as 
opportunity should afford, for the advancement of the Revolution. 
The conclusion was perilous, and the cost to each was widely 
different. J 

7. Again invited to appear before the Commons, Peters "made 
a particular relation of the taking of Winchester Castle." He 
also, brought them a narrative of this occurrence from the hand of 
Cromwell. He is voted £50 by them, as a token of their regard for 
his services. 14. He is the bearer of dispatches to this Body from 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 29 

the same commander, that Basingstoke had been taken by storm. 
Being desired, as Carlyle informs us, to give particulars of the 
event, he complies. He mentions his application to the Marquis 
of Winchester, to give up before so forcible an attack commenced, 
who replied, " that if the King had no more ground in England, 
but Basing House, he would adventure as he did, and so main- 
tain it to the uttermost, meaning with these Papists, comforting 
himself in his disaster, that Basing House was called Loyalty. 
But he was soon silenced in the question concerning the King and 
Parliament ; and could only hope, that the king might have a day 
again. And thus the Lord was pleased to show us what mortal seed 
all earthly glory grows upon." Thus while Peters gives free utter- 
ance to his hearty engagedness for freedom, he brings before us 
the resolute Marquis, who as honestly determines to venture all 
for his royal master. Though alike in the fixedness of their pur- 
pose, they were wide asunder in the ends of their zealous action. 
The narrator proceeds. " This is now the twentieth garrison, that 
hath been taken in this summer, by this army ; and I believe the 
most of them the answers of the prayers and trophies of the faith 
of some of God's servants. The commander of this Brigade, Lt. 
General Cromwell, had spent much time with God in prayer the 
night before the storm, and seldom fights without some text of 
Scripture to support him. This time he rested upon that blessed 
Word of God, written in the 115 Ps. 8 vs. : " They that make 
them, are like unto them, so is every one that trusteth in them." 
Here is a graphic portraiture of the strong religious sentiment, 
which swayed the officers as well as soldiers of the Parliamentary 
forces, and prompted them to deeds of chivalrous daring. How- 
ever such an influence has been represented as carried to an excess, 
and ridiculed by the Cavaliers as cant and hypocrisy, it operated as 
an almost irresistible power against the success of their arms. 
After describing it, Peters presents " to the House, the Marquis's 
own colours, which he brought from Basing. The motto of 
which was, Donee pax redeat terris ; the very same as King 
Charles gave upon his coronation money, when he came to the 
Crown." Thus closes the narrative, which, in point of particu- 
larity, is likely to have resembled others of the kind, given before 
the Commons by Peters, then on the dizzy heights of popularity, 
liable to be shaken and prostrated by a single blow. 

While in London at this time, Peters has ample scope for his 
eloquence. As Edwards informs us, among the topics, against 
which he aims the shafts of his wit, is Presbyterianism. A des- 
perate struggle is being made by those of this denomination, to 
sustain his Majesty, so that they may secure an ascendancy in 
the nation, and, by such means, cripple and depress the Independ- 
ents. By thus standing with others of like motives, in the 
breach, Peters is exposed to every missile, which the displeasure of 
opponents could command. Another of his favorite themes of 
discourse, at this period, is " a toleration of all sects," as most con- 
genial with the spirit and success of a free government. 



30 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

Dec. 2. After this date, Bailie, a strong Presbyterian, addresses 
Rev. Mr. Roberts, as follows : " Yesterday, the Assembly's petition 
was frowned upon in both Houses ; notwithstanding we purpose, 
God willing, on Thursday, to give in a remonstrance of a more 
full and high strain. I heard yesterday, that Mr. Lilburn has a 
petition for the Sectaries, subscribed with the hands of a great 
many thousands. If your city will countenance Mr. Peters' ser- 
mon on the day appointed, they do but go on as they have 
begun." The author of this passage thus speaks of the last indi- 
vidual, because he openly and ably advocated the order of the 
Con gregation ali sts. 

Prynne, in the out-pouring of his displeasure against this de- 
nomination, remarks, as to the document just named, " They lately 
conspired together to exhibit a petition to parliament, for present 
dissolving the Assembly, and sending them hence to country 
cures, to prevent the settling of any Church government ; to which 
end, they met at the Windmill Tavern, where Lt. Col. John Lil- 
burn sat in the chair, and Master Hugh Peters suggested the 
advice which was accordingly inserted in the petition ; but the 
Common Councilmen, smelling out the design, when the petition 
came to their hands, most discreetly left out the request." The 
intention of Peters, in exerting himself for such a dissolution, was, 
that the Presbyterians might not carry their purpose, and so 
encumber the progress of national freedom. Though partially 
defeated at this time, his plan was finally adopted, when more 
fully understood, as most fitted to the promotion of Republican 
principles and policy. 

1646, Jan. 23. Still occupied in the struggle for popular rights 
Peters returns and makes to the House, " a narration of the storm- 
ing and taking of Dartmouth, and of the valour, unity and affec- 
tion of the army, and presents several letters, papers and crucifixes, 
and other popish things, taken in the town. The letters are re- 
ferred to a Committee." 

Feb. 28. News from the army certifies, that « Mr. Peters 
preached in the market place at Torrington, and convinced many 
of their errors in adhering to the King's party, and that he, with 
L. C. Berry, was sent to Plymouth, to treat with the Governor." 
March 21. The Commons gladly hear Peters describe the pro- 
ceeding of Sir Thomas Fairfax, « at the head of the army. He, 
also, relates to them, that Lord Hopton and many of his officers 
had gone to France;" that « Pendennis Castle was closely be- 
sieged, and that the General intended to return towards Exeter." 
In consideration of his deep devotion to their cause, and incessant 
efforts for its triumph, the parliament settle on Peters and his 
heirs, £100, "out of the Earl of Worcester's estate." 

At this period of violent excitement and bitter invective among 
the different parties in England, the production of Prynne, " A 
Fresh Discovery of Blazing Stars, Fire-brands," etc., appears. He 
had found in the study of Bishop Laud, the subscription of con- 
formity, signed by Peters, Aug. 17,1627, endorsed by the Primate 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 31 

himself, as well as similar documents from other divines, who 
stood strongly for Congregationalism. "Without making any 
charitable allowance for their privilege to alter from what they 
deemed a wrong to a right position, he gives a loose rein to the 
expression of his prejudice. " Some of their own Independent 
Faction had other thoughts of her (the Established Church) and 
ministry, unlesse they dissembled before God and man, as they 
commonly do without blush or check, but very few years since ; 
and among other, all our New England brethren at their first 
departure hence, the five Independent Apologists and Master Hugh 
Peter, Solicitor Generall of the Independent cause and party." 
Conscious that the stand he had taken and retained, however 
thus assailed, was essentially correct, Peters resolved to hold it, 
let the results to his person be what they might. 

The Gangrsena of Edwards, published this year, runs a tilt 
against the Congregationalists. Of its remarks is the following : 
" Mr. Peters hath frequently, in city and country, in many places, 
as at Chelmsford, in Essex, and at several churches in London, 
preached, that, if it were not for livings of two or three hundred 
pounds a year, there would be no difference between the Presby- 
terians and Independents." However it was thus imputed to 
Peters, as a fault, that he had advanced the belief, that, as a gen- 
eral fact, the clergy of his opponents were much more zealous for 
party lines, on account of large salaries, than they would be, if 
situated otherwise, still he was correct in the assumption, as ex- 
perience has long proved, with regard to all denominations. 

In his " Picture of Independents," John Vicars, one of their 
good natured antagonists, gives the subsequent anecdote. " This 
gentleman," Peters, " being my old acquaintance, came to me," 
at Westminster Hall, " O Master Vicars," says he, " certainly a 
great deal of repentance must lie on your soul." Why, Master 
Peters, says I, what have I done ? O, says he, in sadding and griev- 
ing the hearts of God's saints, as you have in your book. Why, Sir, 
says I, pray tell what is amiss in it. Truly, Master Vicars, says he, 
it is naught all over, naught all over," and then quickly departed. 
Such an example of pleasantly giving and receiving rebuke, in 
ecclesiastical difference, is worthy of imitation. 

June. The ensuing note from Peters, is characteristic of the 
kindness, with which his heart ever throbbed for the distressed. 
" To my worthy friend, Mr. Rush worth, Secretary to the General. 
Honored friend, I understand, that the Lady Harlavv ( ! ) is out, and 
the Lady Aubigny. You may remember, that I had a promise 
for my Lady Newport, when you know my Lord Newport is here 
with you. I pray therefore, let me entreat you in favour of her 
enlargement." 

July 23. The Town of Worcester having capitulated, its 
principal inhabitants receive passes of protection from the hands 
of Peters, on condition, that they do not bear arms against the 
Parliament. 

( J ) The Sloane MS., as transcribed by H. G. Somerby, Esq., calls this name Harford. 



32 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

Aug. 5. Aware of his being " instant in season," and u out of 
season " to promote their cause, far more for the public welfare, 
than his private interest, Parliament settle upon him ,£200 annually, 
and, Oct. 5, X200 more. One or both of these sums may have 
been derived from part of Lord Craven's estate, forfeited for his 
loyalty and granted to Peters without his request, who referred to 
it in his Legacy, as a source of his principal trouble. 

In his " Last Report of the English Wars," Peters answers 
seven questions. 1. " Why he was silent at the surrender of Ox- 
ford ? " He replies, that the place was so near London, and the 
occurrence so generally known, there was no need of his giving it 
greater publicity. He adds, " You had nothing committed there 
by ours, that had not its rise from integrity and faithfulness to the 
State." 2. " What he observed at Worcester, it being the last 
town in the king's hand ? " He speaks in high terms of the skill 
and bravery, exhibited there by Col. Wh alley and other officers. 
He observes, " I preached at Worcester at our coming in and 
afterwards, did observe a door open to the Gospel. I am now 
satisfied with my many, many petitions, that I might live to see 
this day, this blessed day, and the last town of the enemies taken. 
I am thinking whether to go a few days more in this vale to ad- 
mire what I have seen upon earth, and then die, that I may 
praise Him, as He would be praised, who hath founded mercies 
for his servants, and brought forth deliverance to miracle, through 
Jesus Christ." 3. "What were best to do with the army?" 
" The disbanding an army if trusty, ought not to be a work of 
haste. Never fewer complaints, nor many men of such quality, 
whose design is only to obey their masters, viz : the Parliament." 
4. " If he had any expedient for the present difference ? " To 
nullify such want of harmony, the clergy should become recon- 
ciled, and general charity exercised ; Presbyterians and Independ- 
ents should be friendly and seek for the greatest public benefit. 
" Coals blown get heat and strength ; neglected, grow cold. I 
think we might do God more service in study and pulpits, than 
in waiting at great men's doors and working them up to their self- 
ish interests." 5. " What his thoughts were in relation to 
foreign States ? That forthwith we might have some choice 
agents sent, as two to Sweden, two to the Cantons, our good 
friends, two to the Netherlands, and so to other parts, as we see 
cause, and these accompanied with a manifest of God's gracious 
dealings with this State, letting them know we omitted this work 
in our misery, lest our friends might fear us for beggars, but now 
being upon an even foot with them, we let them know our con- 
dition, and how we are ready to own them against a common 
enemy." 6. " How these late mercies and conquests might be 
preserved and improved ? By the same means the mercy is 
gained, it may be preserved," even the encouragement of good 
men. " Walk plainly in your counsels. God needs no man's lies 
to carry on his work. Let it be our care that after ages may not 
say we conquered ourselves into a new slavery. Justice will 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 33 

exalt and maintain a nation. I wish they might be first sharers in 
it, that first adventured their estates and lives. A State may 
stand upon any frame of Government, if fastened together with 
justice, charity and industry, the only upholders of the flourishing 
neighbor-nation, the Netherlands." He proposed, that, for the 
promotion of morals and religion, as the chief source of a nation's 
prosperity, three or four missionaries might be employed in each 
County. He added, " How ripe have I found Herefordshire and 
Worcestershire for the Gospel and many other counties." 7. 
" Why his name appears in so many books not without blots and 
he never wipe them off?" " I have been thinking to answer six or 
seven pamphlets, that name me either enviously, or disgracefully, 
but yet remain doubting. The Lord rebuke Satan. This I must 
say, if either in doctrine or practice I have failed, the time is not 
yet wherein any brother in any way of God hath dealt with me." 
He referred to his friendly relations with Ames and Forbes in 
Holland. Speaking of his former church in Rotterdam, he re- 
marked, " I thank the Lord it continues to this day." Alluding 
to his residence in Massachusetts, he said, " Nor did I lose all my 
seven years being in New England, amongst those faithful, learn- 
ed, godly brethren, whose way of worship, if we profess, it will 
not be groundless when their writings are examined. But to those 
printed scribbles against me, I may provide shortly a more satis- 
factory answer, where I may plainly charge untrue and unworthy 
passages upon the authors. Now the good Lord, who hath led 
captivity captive for us, subdue us to himself and grant that, in 
these tossing, tumbling, foaming seas, we depart not from our 
principles of reason, honor, liberty, much less Religion, which is 
the prayer of Hugh Peters." 

Oct. 26. While thus laying the precepts of his observation and 
experience before the public, as a means of promoting the national 
good, his wife had recently arrived at Boston from London, some 
better of her derangement. She soon paid a visit to his affectionate 
parishioners at Salem. Her affliction received his deep sympa- 
thy and bore heavily on his spirits. 

In the course of this year, he united his exertions with those of 
the estimable Winslow and others, to parry off the thrusts, made 
by the non-freemen of this Colony, who had gone to London with 
their complaints, at the reputation of our Rulers, before the func- 
tionaries of Government. 

1647, May 17. As a mark of continued attachment to his con- 
gregation here, he had given his share of a small barque to them, 
and they now receive profits from what it had made. 

June 4. The King is taken from Holdenby House, by a volun- 
teer force, under Cornet Joyce. Dr. Young testified, that Peters 
told him, that, when this took place, Parliament intended to se- 
cure Cromwell and himself, then in London ; but being informed 
of their design, they both escaped ; that, as they rode to Ware, 
they halted to consult about what should be done to his Majesty, 
and that they concluded he ought to be tried and beheaded. 



34 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

Still the deponent put in the caution, that he was not certain 
whether he understood it was Peters or Cromwell, who gave such 
advice, but he rather thought it was the former. To this charge, 
Peters answered, " I speak in the presence of God, I profess I 
never had any near conversation with Cromwell, about such 
things." 

1647, July 19. Whitlock relates, " Mr. Peters went to the King 
at Newmarket and had much discourse with him." He proposed 
to his Majesty, the abolition of Episcopacy as a means of recon- 
ciliation between him and Parliament. The offer was accepted, 
and a corresponding treaty was made. But the document was 
rendered nugatory by the Parliament's falling under the power of 
the army. 

Sept. 18. These forces having quartered themselves in Lon- 
don, contrary to the wishes, exertions and influence of the Pres- 
byterian party, Peters preaches before their officers in Putney 
Church. After the discourse was finished, " they met there and 
debated propositions towards the settlement of the bleeding 
country." 

About this date, Peters publishes a pamphlet with the title, 
" A word for the Armie, and two words for the Kingdome. To 
cleare the one, and cure the other." He mentions the reasons, 
for which the military felt themselves called to exercise their 
power so that the royalists of Parliament should comply with 
what they considered reasonable terms. The chief was, that the 
said political party intended to disband the former instead of send- 
ing them to Ireland, where they had offered to go ; because the 
first feared, that if the last conquered that country, they would 
return and give law to the kingdom. He enumerates the hin- 
drances, which retarded the nation from advancing towards the 
great object of the Revolution, and the means which should be 
used to remove them. He closes as follows, " However I am con- 
fident God will carry on this work, which is his owne ; and to that 
end I looke above all present agitations, knowing if wee enter into 
our chambers, and shut our doors for a little moment, the indig- 
nation shall be over past." 

Plaving, in this production, disagreed with Nathaniel Ward's 
remarks in his " Religious Retreat to a Religious Army ; " Peters 
received a spirited reply from this old acquaintance of his, in a 
pamphlet called, " A Word to Mr. Peters, and Two Words for the 
Parliament and the Kingdom." 

The stand, taken by Peters on this occasion, though very offen- 
sive to the Royalists, helped forward the Republican cause, and 
consequently, to bring down on his head, the increased resent- 
ment of his opponents. 

However these considered his course, others of equal intelli- 
gence and worth held the same ground with him. The observa- 
tions of but one among the latter will be cited. Milton, in his 
reply to Salmasius, used the subsequent language : " Our army 
sure was in no fault, who being ordered by the Parliament to 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 35 

come to town, obeyed and quelled the faction and uproar of the 
King's party, who sometimes threatened the House itself. For 
things were brought to that pass, that of necessity either we must 
be run down by them, or they by us." He then spoke of the de- 
nomination, among whom Peters was classed. " The Independ- 
ents, as they are called, were the only men, that, from the first to 
last, kept to their point, and knew what use to make of their vic- 
tory." 

Dec. Henry Somerset, Marquis of Worcester, dies in the cus- 
tody of Government. Peters was active for the amelioration of 
his sorrows. The Marchioness, relict of the deceased, gave him a 
certificate, when prosecuted as a regicide. It was, " I do hereby 
testify, that in all the sufferings of my husband, Mr. Peters was 
my great friend." While relating this fact at his arraignment, he 
added, " I have here a seal (and then produced it) that the Earl 
of Norwich gave me to keep for his sake, for saving his life." 

Sir John Denham, with letters from the Queen, gained access 
to his Majesty through the kindness of Peters. 

Lilly remarks, that after conversing with General Fairfax, " we 
went to visit Mr. Peters, the minister, who lodged in the Castle 
(at Windsor) whom we found reading." Peters, looking at a 
new satirical pamphlet in his hand, said, " Lilly, thou art herein," 
to which he replied, " are not you there also ? " " Yes, that I am, 
quoth he." While the production had epithets for Lilly, as an 
Astrologer, it called Peters, " Dr. Sybbald." 

1648, June. At the beginning of this month, Peters went to 
Milford and hastened large ordnance forwarded from the ship 
Lion to the Leaguer, and they were used in the storming of Pem- 
broke. 

July. Dr. Young, the principal accuser of him on his trial, be- 
comes acquainted with him at Milford, under the profession of 
being a strong opposer to the king. This was when Peters was 
actively engaged, so far as his health could permit, in procuring 
supplies for the Parliamentary forces in Ireland. 

Sept. 7. He, with Messrs. Marshall and Caryl, is requested to 
perform religious service before the Commons, next day, being 
Fast. 

Near this date, the Duke of Hamilton surrenders himself, as a 
prisoner, to Peters, and hands him his George. (*) 

Dec. 6. While the forty-one members of Parliament, as Carlyle 
relates, who were of the Presbyterian party and desirous to con- 
tinue the King on the throne, were detained in the Queen's 
Court, Peters visited them. They inquired of him by what law 
they were held in durance. His answer implied, that he knew of 
none unless the law of necessity. 

7. He assists in the religious services of the day appointed by 
the House. 

Dec. 20. He is desired to officiate before the Commons, the 
next Friday, in St. Margaret's Church. 

(!) A figure of St. George on horseback, borne by Knights of the Garter. 

6 



36 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

During this month, he met frequently with Cromwell and a 
few others, in Windsor, where the army had their head quar- 
ters. 

Lilly relates, that, in the Christmas Holidays, " Lord Gray of 
Grooby and Hugh Peters sent for me to Somerset House, with 
directions to bring them two of my Almanacks. I did so. Peters 
and he read January's Observations." The author had printed 
under this month, in such publications, « I beg and expect Justice." 
He observes, that one of the two others said, " We shall do jus- 
tice." He adds, that he did not think then, that they referred to 
King Charles. 

1649, Jan. 4. The Commons, having laid down the position, 
that " The people are the origin of all just power," and they them- 
selves are representatives of the people, decide, that whatever act 
was passed by them, had the force of law, without the consent of 
the King and Peers. Then they adopt an order for the trial of 
the royal prisoner. 

Immediately Peters accompanies the King to London, under 
the command of Colonel Harrison. He was afterwards accused 
of riding at St. James' before his Majesty's coach with six horses, 
" m, a Blsho P Almoner," in a triumphant manner. He answered, 
"The king commanded me to ride before him, that the Bishop of 
London might come to him." 

13. « The King desired that Master Peters, Mr. Thomas Good- 
win, and Mr. Dell may be sent to him about some resolves." 

20. After a conference between his Majesty and Peters, the 
latter offered a petition to the House, that the former might have 
one of his chaplains to advise him on some questions of con- 
science. Dr. Juxon, bishop of London, was accordingly allowed 
to be with the King till his execution. Lingard speaks of the 
part acted by Peters, on this occasion, as honorable to his head 
and heart. ^ 

+ u 27 ' \f letter from Ro £ er Williams > to John Winthrop, Jr., 
the next May, it is stated, that news had reached the former, that 
on the first of these two dates, « Mr. Peters preached after the fash- 
ion ol England, the funeral sermon to the king after sentence " 
from Isaiah, 14 c. 18 vs. It appears from his trial, that he intended 
to preach irom this text, at such a time, but did not: He, however 
delivered a discourse the next day, from Psalm 149 : 6 7, 8, 9, vs at 
St. James's Chapel. He officiated on the 21, from the same pas- 
sage, at Whitehall. When arraigned, he was accused of remarks 
in such discourses, as justified the execution of his Majesty Part 
oi them he denied. With regard to the rest of them, as the lan- 
guage of a decided and energetic republican, they, of course, must 
have been offensive to the ears of royalists. There can be 
little doubt, but that after his endeavors to effect a reconciliation 
between the King and Parliament, and it was plain, that if the 
lormer swayed his sceptre as he had done, the latter must yield 
up the power they had gained, and thus the great object of the 
revolution for greater liberty in Church and State, be lost, Peters 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 37 

came to the unpleasant, but necessary conclusion, that it was 
better for his Majesty to lose his crown, than the Parliament to 
be subdued. Of course, when invited to speak before the national 
authorities on public affairs, he in the honest expression of his 
opinion, would lay down such propositions and so remark on 
them as to displease the favorers of the throne, and prepare their 
minds to entertain impressions against him and utter them to his 
disadvantage, when opportunity should offer. This has always 
been exhibited by strong opponents, when summoned to describe 
the words and actions of their antagonists, especially after bloody 
contentions for the mastery of a kingdom. 

30. On this day, Charles Stuart, the. King of England, is 
brought to the scaffold, erected in the street before Whitehall. 
Having addressed those near his person, in vindication of himself 
against the charge of treason and made a confession of his regret, 
that he consented to the death of Strafford, and expressed the for- 
giveness of his persecutors, Juxon reminded him that he had but 
one short stage more, though a trying one, to heaven. " I go," 
said Charles, " from a corruptible to an incorruptible crown, where 
no disturbance can arise." " You are exchanged," said the bishop, 
" from a temporal to an eternal crown, a good exchange ! " The 
monarch laid his head on the block and it was immediately sev- 
ered. Lamentable scene, and equally so, the imperfections of 
human nature, which were the cause of its being acted ! 

Among the numerous stories told of Peters, was one, that he cut 
off his majesty's head with his own hand. Barwick as referred 
to by Harris, remarks, that Peters " was, upon no slight grounds, 
accused to have been one of the King's murtherers, though it 
could not be sufficiently proved against him." In such a connex- 
ion, a satyrical piece of 1649, is adduced as confirmatory of the 
suspicion. 

" There's Peters, the Denyer (nay t' is said) 
He that (disguised) cut off his master's head." 

But, by the only witness, whom Peters summoned at his trial, 
and who lived with him, at the royal execution, but afterwards 
was in the national service, he showed, that he was confined to 
his bed with sickness, the very hours before, at and after the tragic 
event. His solemn declaration was 5/ " I do profess before angels 
and men, I did not stir out of my chamber that day." On this 
point, Lilly in his Memoirs states, that Robert Spavin, Secretary 
of Cromwell, declared to him, that the executioner was, Lt. Col. 
Joyce, and then repeats his words, " I was in the room when he 
fitted himself for the work, stood behind him when he did it ; 
when done, went in again with him." 

Feb. 17. Desirous to save the life of Hamilton, Earl of Cam- 
bridge, Peters gives testimony, that this nobleman was promised 
quarter, when he surrendered. March 8. A letter has the passage, 
" Yesterday, Mr. Peters' presenting Hamilton's petition, made 
many believe, that he would escape." This nobleman command- 
ed the Scottish forces, who invaded England, to sustain the royal 



38 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

cause, and was defeated at Preston. Though the compassionate 
effort of Peters did not prevail, the general expectation, that he 
would succeed, indicated the prevalent impression of his aversion to 
taking away the life of friends to the Crown, and the large share of 
influence, which he had with the national authorities. The emi- 
nent prisoner, for whom he so interceded, was executed the next 
day. As the dying expression of his obligation to Peters, he bid 
him adieu and embraced him. 

Lord George Goring is condemned for waging war against the 
Parliament, but is soon reprieved through the application of Peters. 
In view of his repeated endeavors of this kind, he could truly say, 
as he did in one of his last publications, " For my carriage, I 
challenge all the King's party to speak, if I were uncivil ; nay, 
many of them had my purse, hand, help every way, and are 
ready to witness it." 

June 7. At a Thanksgiving, in commemoration of Cromwell's 
victory, to which the Lord Mayor of London invited the Council, 
the General and his officers, Peters is a guest. With his usual 
acrimony of style, when the advocates for free institutions were 
his theme, Clement Walker, in his Anarchia, describes the occa- 
sion, and asserts, that many of the partakers indulged themselves 
to intoxication. He particularly singles out Peters as the object 
of his deep-rooted prejudice. But the spirit of his whole strain 
carries proof on the face of it, that his vision was distorted, so that 
it discerned men as trees walking and led him to portray his po- 
litical antagonists as he should not. 

Aug. 16. The Diurnal contains a communication from Peters, 
at Mil'ford Haven, to the Council of State. " Last night, when 
we came from sea, we agreed (after seeking God,) to wait upon 
his pleasure for the place, being persuaded it were better to fasten 
upon any part of Ireland, than to hazard our men aboard, or 
bring them ashoar to burden the poore country. Things look 
hopefully, if our corruptions hinder not. Oh ! that self, that reigns 
every where. Be assured, ail diligence is used for you by H. 
Peters." 

Sept. 1. He sends the same Body an account, that their forces 
had arrived safely at Dublin. He relates that they had detained 
a Dutch man of war under suspicion of being bound to Ireland. 
He was employed in examination of her officers, particularly 
for his acquaintance with their language. 

15. He addresses the Council from the same country, where 
he is with Cromwell. " Tredagh (Drogedah) is taken ; 3552 of 
the enemy slain, and 64 of ours. We have also Trim and Dun- 
dalk, and are marching to Kilkenny. I came now from giving 
thanks in the great church." With regard to the expeditions to 
Ireland, 1hey were considered by the Parliamentary army, as a 
sort of holy crusades against the Catholics, who, in zealously bat- 
tling for the royal cause, had killed many of the Protestants and 
treated those of them, who fell into their hands, as heretics, de- 
serving no mercy. 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 39 

17. Whitlock informs us, that Peters, " at the beginning of the 
troubles " there, headed " a Brigade against the rebels, and came 
off with honour and victory, and the like was not expected from 
him." It may appear strange, under ordinary circumstances, and 
very different from those of that occasion, that Peters should so 
have united the military with the clerical cloth. 

But the public opinion of those, with whom he was associated, 
applauded his course, as honorable and dutiful. 

To this import, was a communication from the Protector to 
Col. Hacker, though written afterwards, Dec. 25, 1650. " Truly 
I think, he that prays and preaches best, will fight best. I bless 
God to see any in this army, able and willing to impart the 
knowledge they have, for the good of others. I expect it will be 
encouraged by all the chief officers in this army." Others of op- 
posite principles, censured such a practice among the Independ- 
ents, while they approved of it in those of their own party. The 
very historians, who reproached Peters for similar conduct, 
praised the Rev. Dr. Walker for defending Londonderry, against 
James II. ; Williams, Archbishop of York, for doing the same as 
to Conway Castle, and Chillingworth, the celebrated divine, for 
bearing arms to sustain his Sovereign, and acting as engineer at 
the siege of Gloucester. It may be said, that these, so commin- 
gling clerical and military services, did it, because they thought 
themselves brought into extraordinary crises, and, therefore, they 
are to be praised rather than blamed. Peters believed that he 
was similarly situated, and his case requires a like allowance. 
The facts, so adduced, are not offered as a plea for the general ex- 
pediency of preachers becoming soldiers, but to show, that, in 
accordance with consistency, if others are approved for doing, in 
no greater emergency, what Peters did, his reputation should not 
be sunk with a mill stone of prejudice, while theirs is exalted by 
the plaudits of favor. 

Oct. 12. John Eliot addresses Peters. Some extracts follow : 
" The Lord hath greatly delighted to improve you, and eminently 
your talent is increased to ten talents, for our Lord and Master's hon- 
our and use ; and doubt not but your crowne shall be answerable. 
You are indeed much envyed, evil spoken of, smitten with the 
tongue. No matter. Be not troubled at what men say, when 
they speake evill of you, seeing you cannot but see, yea, all may 
see it, God dealeth well by you, the Lord doth improve, accept, 
succeed you. I cannot wish you in New England so long as 
you are of such great use and service in the Old ; not because 1 
love you not, but because I love you and the cause of God, which 
you do totis viribus pursue and prosper in. I have a request unto 
you in behalfe of these poore Indians. We are about to make a 
Town, and bring them to a cohabitation and civility, for the accom- 
plishment whereof we want a Magazine of all sorts of edge tools, 
and instruments of husbandry, for cloathing, etc. That success- 
ful and seasonable Magazine of Provisions, which you were a 
lively instrument to procure so seasonably at Bristoll, for the re- 



40 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

liefe of the army at Pembroke, doth incourage and imbolden me 
to request this favour, that you would be pleased to use that 
wisdome and interest the Lord hath given you in the hearts 
of his people, to further this Magazine for the poore Indians." 
Eliot proceeds to advance ideas, like those in his Christian Com- 
monwealth. " The only Magna Charta in the world, is the holy 
Scriptures. Oh ! what an opportunity hath the Parliament now 
to bring in Christ to rule in England. If they do that, Christ will 
prosper and preserve them." This epistle from a far country, dear 
to his heart, must have been very welcome to Peters. It speaks 
of the calumny, uttered against him by political foes, with the dis- 
approbation, which it deserved. It brings to light an instance of 
his beneficent enterprise, which, but for such development, like 
many others of a kindred sort, might have slumbered in oblivion. 
Its author, while uttering the expressions of his friendship and his 
opinions in favor of a Republic, as little thought, that the influ- 
ence of restored Royalty would reach across the Atlantic and com- 
pel him to apologize, as Peters had, that his zeal for freedom, 
would prove the forfeiture of his life. 

Returning from Ireland to Milford, Peters was taken dangerously 
ill. It was supposed, that he took his sickness from the com- 
mander of the ship, which brought him over, while praying at his 
side. He was so low, that it was difficult to have him moved on 
shore. Dr. Young, who became acquainted with him, the year 
previous, received him to his own house. He was instrumental in 
restoring him to health in a short time. He was a secret sup- 
porter of the crown, under the guise of a Parliament man. Thus 
he acted as a spy upon his confiding patient, who remained with 
him ten weeks. His own relation was, " I observed in him, that 
he had some secret thoughts, that I could not well discover, 
neither well understand ; whereupon I thought it might tend to 
my security, that I should so much sympathize with him, to get 
within him to know his intentions." Capable of such duplicity, 
he was a chief witness against Peters, at his subsequent trial. 
Among other items, told by him in reference to the latter, was, 
that he came over with power from Cromwell, to have companies 
of soldiers raised for service in Ireland. Brook quotes the story 
of Dr. Walker, who eagerly caught at exaggerated reports to the 
disadvantage of those, whose state policy came in collision with 
his own. Peters " having misspent his time and raised only three 
companies, Cromwell's wife drew up articles against him. Hear- 
ing of this, Peters contrived with Col. Philip Jones and Mr. 
Sampson Lort, to settle a Congregational Church of their own 
invention, hoping, by this means, to make it appear, that instead 
of being idle, he had been all the time, very well employed." 
The accusation here fails to be substantiated by its accompany- 
ing facts. Peters was at Milford but ten weeks, as already speci- 
fied. Owing to his severe illness, he could not have been suffi- 
ciently strong to have complied with his instructions in less than 
two or three weeks. For the rest of the time, he exerted himself 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 41 

so that three companies were engaged, prepared and sent to their 
appointed station. This, of itself, would have saved him, with all 
his activity, from the just charge of being dilatory. But, in addi- 
tion, he and two friends, succeeded in collecting and establishing 
a church on their own platform. Surely, were the supposed fic- 
tion of Mrs. Cromwell's displeasure at Peters, because he wasted 
his time, a fact, she must have judged erroneously ; could she have 
had experience in the performance of such labors, she would have 
been convinced, that commendation, and not blame, was his due. 

1650, Feb. 7. A letter of the Cromwelliana, is addressed by 
Peters, from Milford, to one of his friends. He mentions, that " the 
Marquesse of Ormond hath had a treaty with the popish clergy," 
in Ireland, " and many overtures have passed between them, and 
at last all things are fully concluded between them." He states, 
that Cromwell is preparing to march against their forces. He 
adds, " Sir Lewis Dives (the great royalist, that broke away to 
save his head, when the Lords were to be tried,) is among the Popish 
Irish. I believe his being there is to see what is probable to be 
done by them for their king there. We are giving the ingagement. 
I pray God self-denial may appear among all hearts." 

March 23. The Diurnal says, one writes from Milford to Lon- 
don, " I have enclosed two letters, sent Master Peters, which he 
was entreated ; 'wherein there are from New England and else- 
where, very savoury propositions and seasonable for England and 
Ireland." One of these communications is signed R. S. A pas- 
sage or two are cited. " Observing in a letter of yours, your pious 
desires to have help of ministers among the ignorant and super- 
stitious Irish, I thought it not amisse, to impart some cogitations 
unto you. Ireland is conceived unhealthy in the generality, so 
that men dare not fix themselves without some trial!. I conceive, 
that if some liberty were given to English ministers, to depute, 
for a while, some in their places in England, till they had experi- 
ence how their bodies would agree with that climate, it might 
happily draw over some considerable men, that did affect the con- 
version of that nation." The writer advises, that favor be shown 
to the Irish, who speak English, and thus " spread our language 
unto the people and the sooner let in the Gospel." 

25. Information is received in the metropolis, from " Milford 
Haven, that the country thereabout did unanimously take the In- 
gagement ; that Mr. Peters opened the matter to them, and did 
much incourage them to take it." 

April 27. He communicates at South Wales, with a distant 
friend. Among his related facts is, that a frigot which sailed yes- 
terday from Milford for Ireland, is to bring Cromwell back to Eng- 
land if he prefer. 

1651, April 17. The Missionary Corporation write from Lon- 
don to the Commissioners of the United Colonies. They observe 
in reference to the Mission, among the Indians : " It is strange to 
see what and how many objections arise against the work, some 
from the ill management of former gifts, bestowed on the country of 



42 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

New England, of which no account hath been given to the donors, 
and some personally reflecting on Mr. Wells and Mr. Peters, some 
upon ourselves, as if we had so much per pound of what is col- 
lected, or might feast ourselves liberally therewith; whereas 
through mercy, we never eat or drank of the fruit or charge of it, 
and neither have had or expect a penny or pennyworth for all the 
pains we shall take therein. As for Mr. Peters and Mr. Wells, 
they have sufficiently satisfied us with what hath been formerly 
answered." 

This year, Peters publishes his " Good Work for a good Magis- 
trate, or a short cut to great quiet." 

June 7. In the dedication of it, " To the Supreme Power, and 
all true Patriots under them," are the subsequent extracts. The 
contents of the production " are the scribblings of two friends di- 
vided by places, to satisfy each other about some practicable 
pieces of several kindes, especially looking at Religion, the Poor, 
Justice, Law, Navies, Merchandize, which are now the breeders 
of manie thoughts amongst Englishmen. And truly as hee is 
foolish, that would dare to prescribe to your wisdoms ; so is hee 
unfaithful, that would keep a mite from your treasure. It is de- 
sired, that no man of anie profession would despise these small 
things, or the daie of them ; but seriously attend them to enlarge- 
ment and practice ; for doubtless, an honest heart and a quick 
head will soon enliven all these. Your Honors know you are the 
Remainders of much winnowing. You know as your travels 
have been great and dangerous, so verie successful. This good we 
have alreadie under you, that men may bee as good as they can, 
but not so bad as they would. It is humbly conceived, Republicks 
sow the seed of their ruin in faction ; which wise men saie cannot 
bee cured but by frequent elections, and cleer and plain dealings 
betwixt men in place, according to Mat. 18. And then who can 
saie a government of so manie praiers and tears should perish ? 
when after ages shall read written on your doors, and practised bv 
you and your successors, 

This hous hates sin, loves 

peace and vice corrects, 
Mainteins just Laws, and 

honest men protects." 

After these suggestions, Peters addresses a friend of the initials, 
J. T. " You must excuse mee, if I join my thoughts with yours, 
and further give waie to opportunitie pressing the publishing our 
heartie short breathings after the good of the Commonwealth, 
rais'd and preserv'd even to miracle. Bee not discouraged to con- 
tinue your contributions. I know wee now desire onley to laie 
this rough work before better heads and hands, and be assured 
this nation is not barren altogether of self denying spirits and in- 
genuous Patriots; and though Holland seem to get the start of us, 
yet wee may so follow, as to stand at length on their shoulders 
and so see further. Our present transactions make us look like 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 43 

Martha, wee hope our great end will appear to be Marie's one 
thing necessarie." 

In the prosecution of his design in the book, Peters lays down 
the following premises. " The waies and means ordained of God, 
to bring anie nation to and preserv them in as happie a condition 
as this world can afford, are by, I True Religion maintained and 
advanced by the magistrate, and walked in by the people ; II 
True mercie towards the poor practised, and advanced both 
by Magistrates and People ; III True Justice and Righteousness 
amongst both Magistrates and People, towards other Nations." 
Under the first proposition, he considers " how the Universities 
may bee made useful that waie, as beeing the foundation upon 
which the other is built." He would have " the monuments of Idol- 
atrie (Romanism) viz. gowns, caps, matriculations, with manie cer- 
emonies about Commencements," abolished, and " let scholars live 
as other men for apparel." He remarks, " The true regulating of 
these colleges will bee the returning them to the service of Christ 
indeed." To secure this, he proposed, that the education therein 
" bee Christian and noble," and " that the means bee adequate." 
He wished, that the funds, which he considered as well appro- 
priated, may be applied to educate talented and pious young 
men for the ministry, who should form churches on the platform 
of Hooker and Cotton, in New England. In connection with 
this, he recommends that measures be taken for funds to sup- 
port the widows of such clergymen. While speaking how the 
magistrate might do much good to the poor, Peters recommends 
savings banks, where the distressed might obtain a loan on the 
pledge of property ; the abolition of imprisonment for poor debtors, 
and the abuses of prisons. He opposed the drinking of healths. 
He was against attainders, and desirous that innocent child- 
ren should not suffer for the guilt of their parents. 

With regard to printing he wished to have it under wholesome 
regulation, and "that all Popish and offensive books, libels and 
loos pamphlets may bee suppressed." 

He says, "for a Bodie of Laws, I know none but such as should 
bee the result of sound reason, nor do I know any such reason, 
but what the God of wisdom hath appointed. Therefore the 
Moral Law is doubtles the best, to which Moses's judicials added 
with Solomon's rules and experiments, will bee compleat." 

He advised, when a proper code was formed, " to burn all the 
old records, yea, even those in the Tower, the monuments of 
tyrannic" Though antiquaries would hardly agree with him in 
this matter, still there was reason in his wish, that the past exam- 
ples of oppressive laws might not continue, lest they might be 
an inducement for their re-adoption. The modesty with which he 
offered his thoughts and those of his friends in this small volume, 
should nullify the prejudice, which many indulged against him, 
as though he was very presumptuous for giving it to the public. 
There are many suggestions in it, which if hearkened to, would 
prove essentially beneficial to any government. They have much 
7 



44 3Iemoir of Hugh Peters. 

resemblance to the regulations of the United Colonies in New 
England, so far as applicable to their condition, as recent settle- 
ments, who made the Scriptures the great standard of their civil 
as well as of their ecclesiastical legislation. The experience of 
Peters, as to the customs of our country, of Holland and of his 
native kingdom, well qualified him to increase the stock of in- 
formation needed for the occasion. The mere fact that he was 
educated as a clergyman is no conclusive proof, as many have 
appeared to suppose, that he had no other knowledge but of the- 
ology, and was, therefore, unfit to proffer his ideas on any thing 
else. The human mind is so divinely constituted, that its profi- 
ciency in one branch of true science, does by no means contract, 
but rather enlarges its power to excel in another. 

1652. Jan. 20. The Parliament appoint twenty-one persons to 
consider the abuses of the national laws and report accordingly. 
Peters is among them. His late publication had a bearing on "the 
topic, and probably had much influence in bringing it forward. 
He remarked of such a trust, " When I was called about mend- 
ing laws, I was rather there to pray." Some writers have set this 
down, as a confession of his utter disqualification to discharge 
the duties of such a commission. They little considered, that " dis- 
trustful sense with modest caution speaks," while unexperienced 
boldness abounds in self-plaudits. The fact is, that while the 
judicial and civil affairs of the kingdom called for lawyers and 
politicians, those of the church as strongly demanded such men 
as Peters. It is neither a correct nor safe position, that divines 
have no business with codes of government. However political 
influence may gain the preponderance, generally, in all legisla- 
tion, to the proportionate exclusion of religious influence, still the 
Scriptures assure us, that a universal reformation will take place, 
when the world will be " of one heart" and "of one mind," in the 
belief, love and practice of Christianity. Of course, when this 
change, more important than that, which shall give rational free- 
dom to all nations, shall be completed, there will be a radical 
alteration in the principles and forms of government. The laws 
and the administration of them will be based supremely on the 
Gospel, and a Paul will be a more popular speaker in legislative 
halls than a Chatham ; the systems of Cotton, Eliot and Peters 
will appear more practical than fanatical, more useful than futile, 
more acceptable than contemptible. 

April 20. In a letter to his agents in Salem, Peters thus ex- 
presses himself; « I wish you all good, and pray you to sell my 
mill, or what you will, that may be parted with." Occasional di- 
versions of this kind, from the general bent of his thoughts, to- 
wards a spot, endeared to his affections by more than ordinary 
ties, were gleams of joy in his common experience. 

This year, Henry Gardiner publishes remarks on New Eng- 
land, in London, against the annexation of Maine to Massachu- 
setts. He says, Hugh Peters and others " made use of their 
times," and " subjugated all the Eastern parts." 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 45 

Sept. 7. Nathaniel Briscoe writes from the same metropolis, to 
Thomas Broughton, his son-in-law, of Boston, " There is a book 
newly put out against Mr. Peters and another against the Judges, 
Lawyers and Courts, setting out their unjust dealings and pro- 
ceedings with men." The communication, containing this and 
other passages, was so offensive to the Bay authorities, that they 
had a copy of it sent back to the Government of England. 

1653. April 8. An act for the probate of wills and granting 
administrations, is passed. Peters is appointed one of the judges 
for carrying it into effect. Concerning this office, he modestly 
observed to his daughter, " When I was called to judge in wills, 
I only went sometimes to learn and help the poor." 

In the early part of this year, the Dutch, having their navy 
almost destroyed by the fleet under Admiral Blake, send embas- 
sadors to London for a compromise of differences. To accom- 
plish their object, such agents apply for assistance to Peters, 
noted and esteemed in their own country. They empower him 
to offer £ 300,000 for peace. His effort, cheerfully and immedi- 
ately made in their behalf, was not then successful. 

July 11. An intercepted letter of this date, for Holland, says, 
" Mr Peters prays and preaches for peace. Our last Thanksgiving 
day, he told them, that God Almighty had punished them long 
enough for their sins, especially for their pride, covetousness, am- 
bition, discord, ingratitude and unmercifulness to the poor." Such 
reproofs fully indicate that the author of them was no time-server, 
even among his best friends. 

Sept. 26. A correspondent writes from Holland to England, 
" Peters, who I believe is an honest man, doth correspond with 
Mrs. Grace Crisp, ( ! ) concerning the State affairs, which letters are 
communicated to Mr. John Webster, a profest malignant ; great 
mischief can be done to the Commonwealth." However this 
statement faults the abuse made of Peters' confidence, it assigns 
to him a virtue which was a prominent trait in his character. 

Nov. 21. Jongestall, in a communication to Frederick, Count 
de Nassau, observes, " Mr. Peters hath written a letter to the 
Queen of Sweden, by Lord Whetlocke, wherein he relates the 
reasons why they put their King to death and dissolved this last 
Parliament, and withal sends her majesty a great English dog 
and a cheese, for a present." While it is pleasant to know, that 
the Queen's correspondent was in so high repute as to be allowed 
to send her such information, it would be more so, if we could be 
made acquainted with the facts thus transmitted to her. 

Lilly relates, that, having printed some passages in his Angli- 
cus, to which the Presbyterians took exceptions, he was arraigned, 
this year, through their influence, before the Commons. Speaking 
of friends, who appeared manfully in his favor, he notes, " Hugh 
Peters spoke much in my behalf to the Committee." 

1654. Feb. 18. The Missionary Corporation in London date a 
letter for the Commissioners of the Confederate Colonies. In it 

C 1 ) Probably some relative of Tobias Crisp, D. D., who died in London, 1642. 



46 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

Peters is particularized as one of a Committee to collect funds in 
the army, to help on the evangelization of the Indians, but as 
somewhat lukewarm in his feelings. Steele, the President and 
writer, adds, " We have otherwise charitable thoughts of Mr. 
Peters." From the declarations, expanded views and benevolence 
of the latter, he sincerely wished, that the natives here might be 
increasingly evangelized. Other causes, and not his disapproba- 
tion of the mission itself, must have damped his usual ardor and 
activity for such an enterprise. The fact is, that Eliot was dis- 
satisfied, at this time, with the salary, which the Commissioners 
here, as agents of the Corporation, paid him, and he made it 
known to his friends in England. Such information produced 
an unfavorable effect on the collection of charities for a time. It 
was, most likely, a principal reason why Peters appeared so to 
Steele as he did, and why he thought it dutiful to proceed no 
faster than could be done in a just direction. 

March 3. Peters indites a letter to Deacon Gott, of Wen ham, 
but of his Church, when he left Salem. " Nothing but want of 
health could detain me from New England, such is my love to 
the place, and lovely it will yet be." He observes, that he has 
given, his property at Salem, conditionally, to John Winthrop, of 
Connecticut. To the last worthy man, sometimes called his son, 
Peters mentions, April 30, such a donation, and that he had sent 
him a loadstone to keep, if he never returned to this country. He 
observes, " Nothing hath troubled me more, than that you had not 
my company with you." He closes, " My heart is with my God, 
and desire after him." Such communings were pleasant and 
mournful to his soul. 

20. According to an act of Parliament, a Board are appoint- 
ed to license candidates for the ministry. They are called 
Triers. Baxter says of them, " They did a great deal of good to 
the Church ; saved many a congregation from ignorant, ungodly, 
drunken teachers ; and, in their stead, admitted of any able, seri- 
ous preachers, who lived godly lives, though of different opinions." 
As one of such Commissioners, Peters said, " When I was a Tryer 
of others, I went to hear and gain experience rather than to 
judge." In this line, Brook cites Dr. Walker, as at his favorite 
diversion of endeavoring to blacken the reputation of the Revo- 
lutionists. The latter, after intimating that Peters was among 
the chief of the Triers, labored to make out a case of simony 
against him, from a humorous question, which he put to an ap- 
plicant. " Mr. Champlin, a clergyman of Somersetshire," sent 
a person to Peters for a Rectory in Kingston of that County. The 
messenger having addressed him on the subject, Peters playfully 
asked, " Hath thy friend any money ?" From so slender an evi- 
dence, prejudice conjured up a grave accusation, contradicted by 
the extraordinary and long-established honesty of the accused. 

May 2. The United Provinces having suffered another naval 
defeat by the English, and renewed their application to Peters, 
as their solicitor of peace, he now succeeds in prevailing on 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 47 

Cromwell to comply with their entreaty. In reference to this 
affair, Stubbs, in his account of the Dutch war, had an engraved 
representation of the embassadors handing their petition to 
Peters. 

July 3. Anthony Saddler, who applies to the Triers for the con- 
tinuance of his ministry, is not approved by them. He relates, 
" When they rose, I followed Mr. Nye, and asked him of the 
issue of my examination : he seemed to slight me, and went 
away without speaking any further to me. I went forthwith to 
Mr Peters and told him I was sorry, that I was not thought 
worthy of their approbation. He answered, that the Com- 
missioners had not yet concluded any thing, and that it was 
upon suspense." Here we have a specimen of Peters' natural 
courtesy, which he ever exercised towards those, who, amid the 
trials of disappointment, came in contact with his official duties. 

12. Roger Williams informs Winthrop of Connecticut, that 
he had visited Peters at his lodgings in Whitehall, which " I was 
told was Canterburies, and he himself told me, that the Library, 
wherein we were together, was Canterburies, and given him by 
the Parliament." He states, that Peters was grieved, that his 
insane wife had been excommunicated, which must have been 
from the Salem Church. Probably she conducted irrationally 
and was dealt with as though she had the full use of her reason. 
He proceeds, " His wife lives from him, not wholly, but much dis- 
tracted. He tells me, he had had but £200 a year, & he allowed 
her <£80 per annum of it. He told .me, that his affliction from 
his wife, stirred him to action abroad, and when success tempted 
him to pride, the bitterness of his bosom comforts was a cooler 
and a bridle to him." Thus these two men of distinguished 
talents and learning, and much alike in their temperament, com- 
muned together in the spirit of Christian sympathy, though the 
one had been constrained by the calls of his office, to publish the 
excision of the other from his church. 

Nov. 9. A letter from the Council of Massachusetts is addressed 
" to the Reverend and much honored Mr. Hugh Peters." They 
apologize for their long silence. They proceed, " Yet such is our 
confidence of your zeal for God, your real and cordial affection to 
the cause of God and the liberties and welfare of his people here, 
that we are encouraged, our necessities, at this time, also compel- 
ling us to make use of all our friends, amongst whom we cannot 
but rank yourself amongst the chief, and are confident you will not 
suffer us to be mistaken therein, but that, in due time, we shall see 
Amicus return." They then mention the controversy, which they 
had had with the other confederates about war with the Dutch of 
New Netherland. They continue, " Some few among ourselves 
and others of our Confederates, offended at our peace, address 
themselves to England, and, by what means, or upon what pre- 
tence, we know not, prevail with his Highness to send a fleet of 
ships under the command of Mr. Sedgwick to assist us against 
the Dutch." They relate, that, peace having been made between 



48 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

Holland and England, the Fleet sailed against the French of 
Nova Scotia, took their territory and then applied to Massachu- 
setts for forces to secure the conquest, but the authorities thereof 
declined unless 1he Commissioners showed their warrant for such 
a course. They subjoin, " least our action and answers should 
be misrepresented to his Highness, we thought it our duty briefly 
to present things as they are, relating to the French, as formerly 
we have done in reference to the Dutch. We earnestly entreat 
you would be pleased so far to tender the welfare of this place, 
the comfort and well being of the people of God here, his honour 
and cause, to the perpetual good of posterity as to your utmost 
interest with his Highness, or any other whom it may concern, as 
opportunity may present or occasion require, for the obtaining 
our just desires and establishing our rights and privileges to us 
and our posterity's forever, whereby you will do acceptable ser- 
vice to God and forever oblige your true and faithful friends and 
brethren." 

Dec. 13. A large committee of ministers assemble at the 
request and in the presence of Cromwell. Peters is numbered 
with them. They meet to consider an application of Manasseh 
Ben Israel in behalf of the Jewish nation. 

1656. April 22. Peters writes^) to Lord Henry Cromwell in 
Dublin. " My dear Lord. You may please by these to under- 
stand, that I am neither civilly nor naturally dead, (as my good 
friend with you suggests) but most dangerous it is to bee so 
spiritually : From my own hand, you may have it, that the scan- 
dalls, sent over to you about myselfe, are false, and, to add more, 
will doe but little more good : I am still desired by some friends to 
see Ireland, and, if strength increase, I trust I shall not fayle so to 
doe, but have been long ill and lost very much blood, above 30 
ounces : The Lord helpe. For other things, I must bee a suitor, 
that Col. Cooke's arreares npw to bee layd in lands, may have yr 
remembrance in helping on their desire, which will bee very rea- 
sonable, that are concerned in it : I beseech yr Lordshipp tender 
me to preserve children, that are fatherless from want. As 

also my Lord Deputy gave Mr. Dixon his place, which he long 
enjoyed, and Sir John Temple keeping him out (as he com- 
playnes) a word of yr Lordshipp would also ease that, and these 
are all my requests at present. And for yrselfe, family and all 
yrs at yr house, my prayers, so these are my coun sells even such 
as they are viz : first, the kingdom of heaven must be sought ; 
21y, Maynteyne honnble thoughts of God in all his dealings : 
31y, the feare of man or any sorte of men bringe a frowne, and, 
therefore, not to bee entertayned; for surely you must never think 
to satisfy all partyes and all sortes of men : 41y, dayly intercourse 
with God and token of most temptations ; 51y, the least de- 

filement of conscience will cost hot water; 6 and lastly, the 

f 1 ) This and several other letters have been recently copied for the author, by H. G. 
Somerby, Esq., from the Lansdowne Mss., in the British Museum. A few ellipses in 
them are occasionally supplied. 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 49 

whole (duty) of man is to feare God etc. Eccle. 12. And for Ire- 
land, a laborious, constant, sober ministry, and an industrious hand 
among all must be the preservation of Ireland with a good mag- 
istrate to back all. I love and leave and am yr Lordshipps 

ever and ever H. P." 

July 5. Major General Haynes informs Secretary Thurloe, that 
he met Peters last week at Cambridge and heard from him, that 
Parliament would meet in September. 

15. Another communication from Peters to Henry Cromwell, 
in Dublin, follows. " My Lord, I must bee scribling to you, 
though you have given mee yr word long: Alas! you need not 
fear when you are so beloved and honoured : but I leave you to 
yr liberty. Sir John coming tomorrow to you, will say all. The 
French are beaten sadly, the K: of Swed: not so etc. These bare 
witnesse the world is shaking. To you I say, keepe where God 
hath placed you, with expectation, humility and quietness. Love 
the truth and peace, bee open and playne (as you are) in all yr 
works, turne your heart outward for God and godlyness and fear 
nothing. I think you are in yr place and worke : believe mee, the 
world is shaking. God keep us steadfast. I was at Cambridge 
commencement where you are etc. Let me have a word. I 
can be secret. If not, I can and must be still. Yr. H. P. 

Your brother hath a son : Salute yr Ladyep) and all with you, 
yr Secretary etc. I can write no more yet." 

1657. Feb. 24. Another epistle( 2 ) is dated to pass in the same 
direction between these correspondents. " My Lord. These are 
to returne you my hearty acknowledgments of your care of 
young Mr Weld and men of his constitution. I hope your Lord- 
shipp shall have no cause to repent you of any requests, made by 
mee and answered by you, for truly therein I shall be tender, 
because I tender you as my owne heart, and doe often please 
myselfe with my thoughts about you and the presence of the 
Lord with you in yr worke. How well doe matters goe on, when 
wee measure them by the other world, where Eternity dwells, and 
where our works must be weighed over agayne. The blood of 
Christ, mingled with them, will give them their true alloy. Oh 
(my Lord) labor after that meate, which will never perish, that 
ioy where no mixtures have accesse. You have knowne, in yr 
few dayes, much vanity written upon most creatures, and you 
may see an end of all perfections, but the Law is exceeding 
broad. Go on and prosper in the name and power of the Lord. 
You heare by others, how it is here. I am very much taken off 
by age and other wayes from busy business and would fayne see 
Jesus. None can more love you, I think, than yr Lordshipps 

H. P." 

April 13. William Hooke relates to Winthrop of Connecticut, 
" Mr Peters is not yet recovered out of his late eclipse, but I hear 
better of his preaching than was formerly spoken of it." This 

( 1 ) She was a daughter of Sir Francis Russell, of Chippenham, in Cambridgeshire. 

( 2 ) Though this has no year yet it seems to be of 1657. 



5° Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

passage appears to indicate that some mental darkness, more 
than common, had come over Peters. The derangement of his 
wife, which greatly afflicted him, had such a tendency, especially in 
connection with his own nervous temperament. On this matter 
he wrote to the same correspondent, addressed by the words just 
quoted, in 1654, « my old malady, the spleen ; that now I give 
my hie gone and shall outlive my parts, I fear." Whatever may 
have been the admonition, that no earthly allurements should turn 
the heart of faith from immortal perfection, the habitual spirit of 
Peters led him to receive it in submission and follow its guidance 
May 8. As having had a principal hand in helping alom* th e 
nation to its present attitude, Peters feels a deep interest in the 
solution of the question by Cromwell, whether he will be a Kin** 
or Protector, and m his decision to assume the last title. The cof- 
hsion of political parties, which gave rise to such problems, was 
enough to fill the breasts of Peters and all others, who had borne 
the burden and heat of the day for the public weal, with anxious 
forebodings as to the future. 

June 13. The pen of Peters again runs with a free heart, to 
the son of the Protector^ « My Lord. These are to second also 
the letters of my Lord Deputy in the behalfe of Mr Dell's kins- 
man, that hee may gayne some preferment there. Indeed in 
such things, you may doe old friends curtesyes. For other things 
1 am only to write my constant encouragement to yr LordshioD 
in thewayes and things of God, and for the good of that poor na- 
tion I trust yet here wee shall goe beyond the feare of good men, 
and the hopes of bad. Yr brother Sr John Reynolds wee expect 
back from France, where as yet there is nothing done of note. 
Ihe k: of bwed: prospers and who can tell but that the Pope is 
upon a dismall shake at this tyme. Judge Cooke is now with 
me, and presents his service unto yr Lordshipp, and so doth Yr 
Lordshipps HP" 

Aug. 14. Similar breathings of genuine philanthropy give life 
to the subsequent communication. « My noble Lord. These are 
only to accompany the bearer Mr Snelling to yr Lordshipp an 
honest man and of singular parts in several] kinds. Indeed it is 
rare to meet with such an one every way, for turning in ivory, it 
is strange, Chimistry, Accounts, fayre writing. He hath ri^ht to 
some land by his brothers death, Maior Snelling, 1500 ake?s etc 
*r Lordshipps favor may doe him much good: Hee means to 
settle there. If hee could have a little helpe, he can serve many 
wayes in yr family. At the worst, he begs to ride in yr troope 
and hath a horse with him : I humbly beg yt your eye may bee 
cast upon him who may bee very useful!. I crave pardon for 
this continued boldness, and with my hartyest wishes and long- 
ings for the true good of yr Lordshipp, the good Lady, and all 
yrs, am yr Excellencyes HP" 

1658. Jan. 12. "The Protector resolved to have a collection for 
the poor persecuted Protestants of Piedmont." This was touch- 
ing a chord of sympathetic obligation, which ever found a ready 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 51 

and deep-toned response from the inmost soul of Peters. Like 
electric pulsations, it met with instant and full-formed tallies upon 
his heart, which led him to energetic choice and action. Of the 
large sum contributed in generous old England for so noble a 
charity, he was an earnest and successful solicitor. 

July 11. Two communications, one of this and another of the 
next date, from Col. William Lockhart, in Dunkirk, to Secretary 
Thurloe, furnish several extracts. " Mr Peters is arryved and hath 
acquainted me with some things, that he sayth your Lordshipp 
hath been fully acquainted with ; to the carrying on of which I 
shall surely contribute my share ; and shall pray that his propos- 
als may prosper and be acceptable to all good men." 18. " I 
could not sutler our worthy friend, Mr Peters, to come away from 
Dunkerke without a testimony of the greatt benefitts we have all 
received from him in this place, wher he hath laid himself forth 
in great charity and goodnesse, in sermons, prayers and exhorta- 
tions, in visiting and relieving the sick and wounded; and in all 
these profitably applying the singular talent God hath bestowed 
upon him to the two chief ends propper for our auditory; for he 
hath not only shewen the soldiers their duty to God and prest it 
home upon them, I hope to good advantage, but hath lykewyse 
acquainted them with their obligations of obedience to his High- 
ness government and affection to his persone." Thus we have a fair 
relation of the faithfulness with which Peters still continued to 
exercise his uncommon talents as a preacher, who held, that the 
chief strength of the kingdom was based on civil and religious 
obedience. The same officer continues. " It were superfluous to 
tell your Lordshipp the story of our present condition, either as to 
the civill government, works or soldiery. He (Peters) who hath 
studdied all these more than any I know heare, can certainly give 
the best account of them. Wherefore I comitt the whole to his 
information, and begge your Lordshipps casting a favourable eie 
upon such propositions, as he will offer to your Lordshipp for the 
good of this garrison." He adds that Peters had visited Berg and 
had three or four conversations with Cardinal Mazarine. 

Sept. 3. Cromwell is summoned by death, from the perils and 
anxieties of his exalted station. At the commital of what were 
supposed his mortal remains (but which, some authors say, had 
a secret burial) to the tomb, amid the ceremonies of State, Peters, 
as among the Chaplains of Whitehall, joins in the funeral pro- 
cession. Thus, as it was thought, did he help to lay in the dust 
what he had greatly assisted in raising to the pinnacle of earthly 
glory. His experience in this and many other instances of human 
greatness, which had gone down from high places to the narrow 
lodgements of earth, under his watchful eye, as it noted the 
changes of ever-progressive time, — could verily affirm, that such a 
possession had always given far more promise than reality of 
excellence. 

Oct. 12. The Assembly of Savoy, in London, begin their ses- 
sion. Peters is among their members. As they adopted the con- 
8 



52 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

fession of faith, owned by the Salem Church in 1629, it is very 
likely, from his having been pastor of this body and from his pre- 
vious activity on such occasions, that he had a prominent con- 
cern in recommending the document to them. 

26. As the shadow of his age lengthens in the light of time, 
and the attractions to earth fall from his grasp, Peters again 
addresses the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. " Upon the death of 
yr father I wrote and know not whither my despicable lines touched 
yr hands. And yet such hath bin my constancy to your Lord- 
shipp, that neither fawning nor frowning has taken place with 
me to make me fearfull or careless in reference to yr selfe or yr 
affayres ; but I cannot bee a courtier (as they say.) You had long 
since my thoughts in writing, nor am I doubtfull of the oood 
effect they tooke, and I wish the Lord would please to keepe you 
every way to his praise in Christ. Yr Lordshipps worke in yr 
owne salvation for ever, and the serving the Lords interests whilst 
you are here. Yr last Synod there of ministers hath not a little 
affected and afflicted us here. Doubtless the World is one thing 
and the Church another : If their destruction bee slighted, fare well 
God and goodness : I am not so uncivill to ask an account of yr 
Highness. Alas ! what am I ? But if I love you, then I must doe. 
flatterers never loved you. Friends doe, that are playne. I wish 
you never hear unam partem only. See who are about you. Nosel- 
tur e socio etc. Servants and companions tell any man's constitu- 
tion. I give you a hynt of yr worth. Yr father dyed as he lived, 
an Independent. Presbytery and Independency are all the con- 
sistency m religion. I am yr Lordshipps _ H. P. 

I feare yr horrid excise will shake yr Country." 

1659. April 22. Richard Cromwell is compelled by factions to 
dissolve Parliament. In reference to this event, which Peters 
dreaded as the extinguishment of his ardent hopes for the contin- 
uance of free institutions, he observed, « I staid so long at White- 
hall, contented with any good government, that would keep 
things, till the breach of what they call Richard's Parliament, 
and then I removed, and never returned more,* but fell sick long 
and in trouble ever since." No wonder that his soul was pained 
and discouragement oppressed his spirits, in perceiving the Com- 
monwealth, for whose trials he had wept and prayed, and to 
whose existence he had largely contributed by his toils, perils and 
sufferings,— about to be crushed by accumulated contention of 
parties, whose vitiated taste loathed the manna of freedom and 
longed for the leeks and onions of bondage. 

1660. Jan. 29. General Monk being expected in London from 
Scotland, with his army, Peters is designated by the Republican 
Parliament, on the eve of dissolution, to deliver a discourse 
before him at St. Alban's. His text was from 107 Psalm, 7 vs. 

(*) In a Catalogue of the British Museum are the subsequent entries "Peter's 
Patern, or the perfect path to worldly happiness, in a funeral .sermon, preached at his 
interment, by J. C 4to. London, 1659. Peter's resurrection ; by way of Dialogue be- 
hU fanefS To % 659'' ' ° CCa8i0ned U P° n the P^hing a pretended sermon at 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 53 

" We led them forth by the right way, that they might go to a 
city of habitation." He reviewed the wars of the Common- 
wealth, its seasons of peace, its recent difficulties and its hopes of 
deliverance. He remarked, that, however the people of God had 
" not yet come to a city of habitation, he was still leading them 
on the right way, how dark soever his dispensations might appear 
to men." It is plain, that his former elasticity of emotion, when 
dilating on public affairs, had become much depressed, though he 
still trusted that the Omnipotent arm would provide a dwelling 
of rest for all, who followed its guidance. 

Feb. 6. A report, though incorrect, having reached New Eng- 
land, that Peters had closed his eventful career, Roger Williams 
thus addressed Winthrop, of Connecticut ; " Sir, you were not 
long since the son of two noble fathers, Mr John Winthrop and 
Mr H. Peters. It is said, they are both extinguished. Surely, I 
did ever, from my soul, honour and love them, even when their 
judgments led them to afflict me." Such direct testimony of 
one, who had been long and particularly acquainted with Peters, 
should weigh more, than all the disparaging representations of his 
character by the mouths and pens of political foes. The afflic- 
tion, spoken of in this connection, as occasioned by Winthrop 
and Peters, was, as these sincerely believed, the result of their 
official duty to execute laws, both civil and ecclesiastical, though 
the sufferer and his advocates thought very differently. 

Looking back on his diversified course, on the desertion of 
many, who were once gladdened with his smile, on the prostra- 
tion of his hopes for the temporal and spiritual progress of his 
countrymen, Peters gives utterance to the sober thoughts of his 
soul. Of such expressions are these, " I am heartily sorry, that I 
was popular ; better known to others, than to myself." Aware 
that the wide influence, which he had long been invited to exert 
in public affairs, was fast waning with the several interests con- 
nected with them, and which had left him less opportunity to 
study and regulate his own motives, affections and actions, than 
would have been for his benefit, he ingenuously confesses the 
sentiment just related, which truthful reflection, so circumstanced, 
must always do. He continues, " It hath much lain to my heart 
above any thing almost, that I left that people I was engaged to in 
New England. Though I never took ecclesiastical promotion," 
I was " not without offers and great ones. Nor do I take pleas- 
ure in remembering any my least activity in State matters, 
though this I can say, I no where minded who ruled, fewer or 
more, so the good ends of Government be given out, in which 
men may live in godliness and honesty." This comparative view 
of what might have been his continuance as the laborious pastor 
of a parish in this country, and what were his actual relations to 
the Church and Commonwealth of his native land, in which he 
deliberated, counselled and strove far more for national welfare 
than for his own, though he had eminent opportunities to have 
obtained the latter, he appears to regret, as results were, that he 



54 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

ever rccrossed t the Atlantic to engage in the struggles and dangers 
of Revolution. Similar acknowledgements every life of three- 
score years is constrained to make, in a greater or less degree, ac- 
cording to its pursuits. None who have reached such an age, are 
so perfect, that they can truly assert, we have committed no mis- 
takes either in judgment or action, which we would rectify, were 
it divinely put in our power. 

April. The Republic having been despaired of, and the tables 
turned so as to favor royalty, the tried friends of the late adminis- 
tration are liable to be called in question for the part they had 
acted. Among them Peters is summoned before the Council of 
State to give an account of Bishop Laud's books. He craves 
leave to do it by writing, because confined, by sickness, to his 
private lodgings. His request is granted. Painful to his soul is 
the contrast between being welcomed and urged by statesmen in 
session, to recount the triumphs of their forces and being arraign- 
ed by such of opposite principles, as charged with misdemeanor. 
In connection with this subject, he relates, that his " estate was 
gone ;" that he was in debt, and resolved to spend the rest of his 
days either in Old or New England, " looking into the grave and 
eternity." Thus coming to the conclusion, to which every true 
Christian does, who has tried life in all its phases of smiles and 
frowns, that it is wiser and better to make greater preparation for 
the future world, than the present, Peters cherishes the hope, that 
he shall not be numbered among the victims, singled out to expi- 
ate for the offences of the Commonwealth against the Throne. His 
words are, « I thought the act of indemnity would have included 
me, but the hard character upon me, excluded me, which I was 
so sensible of, that nature (in its preservation) carried me to pri- 
vacy, but free from that report of the manner, which is suggested, 
of which you may be assured." Here he refers to the story, cir- 
culated by his opponents, that he secreted himself in one place 
and another, until he was apprehended in South wark. 

July. News of this date subsequently reached John Davenport, 
and he sent it, Oct. 17, to Winthrop of Connecticut, "that 
those( 1 ) who were of the High Court of Justice, and condemned 
the former King, their estates are confiscated, 20 of them impris- 
oned, three of them like to die, viz. Jones, Harrison and Say ( 2 ) 
(if I do not misread) and that Dr. Goodwin, Mr Nie and Mr 
Peters are imprisoned, likely to loose their lives." Though this 
report did not prove correct, in all its particulars, still it did for 
the most part. Such was one fearful result of the downfall of 
the Republic, for this class of men, who had hazarded all for its 
support and continuance. No doubt that Peters and others prom- 
inently engaged, as he had been for greater freedom than can 
consist with monarchy, feared, at times, that, according to the 
general experience of like changes, if Charles II. should be re- 

, <2 J ar ' ° { A these judges in custody of the Sergeant at Arms, are ordered, Au£. 25, 

m' ™. . de l, lvered UP by him to the Lieutenant of the Tower. 
♦J '* Pieman had promoted the restoration of Charles II., which obtained him 
the omce of Lord Privy Seal. 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

i 

stored to the throne of his father, they would be in peril of being 
tried and condemned as traitors. 

While Peters was confined to the Tower, his Majesty sent a 
warrant to the Lieutenant for obtaining information of him about 
the royal library. The prisoner declared, that, in 1648, he pre- 
served it in St. James's, from the encroachment of soldiers ; that 
it was in his custody three or four months ; that he left it neither 
diminished nor injured, and delivered the key of it to General 
Ireton. 

In the same fortress, where multitudes charged with State 
offences, had been incarcerated, he composed " A Dying Father's 
Last Legacy to an Only Child." He sent it to his daughter a 
short time before his death. This parental memento abounds with 
good sense, sound religion and beneficial counsel. The writers of 
the preface supply us with an extract or two. " Be not discour- 
aged from reading this small treatise, because of the unhappy 
end of a wearisome pilgrimage, which the author met with in 
this world. If we get a fall in a journey, or meet with a great 
shower of rain, so it be in the close of the day, when we are near 
our Inn, where we meet with accommodation and refreshment, 
we are the less troubled. You will find in this Legacy, that he 
had a root of grace, and that the fountain was clear, from which 
ran so savoury a stream ; and that at the last when he had no 
hope to save a frail body, yet he minded his own and others souls; 
and that he was a Master Workman in that mystery, wherein he 
had labored successfully so many years ; and we hope, that not- 
withstanding the prejudice of some against him, and the words 
of others, and his sad catastrophe, we may charitably judge that 
God hath wiped away all tears from his eyes, that he is entered 
into rest, his works following him, and that he is made perfect by 
his great sufferings." Addressing his daughter relative to the 
falsity of such as were friends to him in his prosperity, but were 
now his foes, Peters observed, " how manie sad experiences can I 
witness to of this kind, yea, in these times and changes. Fair 
dove-coats have most pigeons. Lost estates know no friends." 

Oct. 10. As the time of trial for those charged as regicides, draws 
nigh, Peters and others of them are conveyed in several coaches, from 
the Tower, under a strong guard of horse and foot, to Newgate. 
While those of his friends who well knew him, deeply felt for his 
adversity and advocated his integrity, his prosecutors, who joined 
the hue and cry against the chief supporters of the late Common- 
wealth, brought him to trial on the 13th of October. The Tri- 
bunal, before whom he was arraigned, could not, in conse- 
quence of their political feelings and professions, treat his case 
with impartiality. They believed, that the extreme penalty of 
the law was none too severe for any one, who had dared speak 
and act so as to procure the overthrow of monarchy, though sub- 
versive of popular rights. However they might not verbally 
allow, yet they cherished the sentiment, expressed by the Coun- 
sellors of Cambyses, " Though there be a written law, the Per- 



5$ Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

sian Kings may do what they please." Of course, they had no 
sympathy with the republican position, that justice required satis- 
faction of the Sovereign, who trampled the national Constitution 
under feet, as well as of his subjects, guilty of a similar crime. 
While this was true of the Court, it was essentially so of the 
jury and the accusers. These partook of the prevalent prejudice 
against the Revolutionists, of whom Peters was represented to 
them as among the chief. Thus situated, he had little to hope for 
from the hands of those, who held his life at their disposal. What 
he regarded as justifiable in the question before them, they ac- 
counted as condemnable. 

Sir Edward Turner said to the jury, « You have heard, that the 
substantial part of the charge is compassing and imaginino- the 
death of the King, and all the rest will be but evidence to prove 
that imagination against the prisoner at the bar, whom we will 
prove to be a principal actor in this sad tragedy, and next to him, 
whom God hath taken away and reserved to his own judgment." 
Thus Peters is presented as second only to Oliver Cromwell in 
causing the death of Charles. 

In this critical emergency sad emotions crowded the heart of 
Peters. The acquaintances, who would have sustained and 
heartily pleaded his cause, were either driven away by the terrors 
of the Restoration or confined within the walls of a prison. He 
had none to appear in his behalf, to thread out the intricacies of 
evidence, given from memory after the lapse of more than eleven 
years, and under the greatest temptations to swerve from what- 
ever should favor him ; to sift the chaff from the wheat in testi- 
mony so liable to be inaccurate, and represent his motives, words 
and acts in a false light, and to lay his case before the jury with 
the impressiveness of fact and eloquence. Under such appalling 
circumstances Peters stood before his accusers. 

Young, previously referred to, was the first to depose. Many of 
the items, which he narrated, appear to be true, because consist- 
ent with the cause of freedom, to which the accused was devoted. 
But as to those, which bore on his advising and acting for the 
King's execution, he remarked, " I was in sickness them Those 
that have known me, do know likewise 1 have much weakness 
in my head when I am sick, and to take words, that are spoken 
in a sick condition, he ought not to do it. For the words them- 
selves, I do here profess against them, for the generality of them 
It is marvellous. Here I profess the things untruths." Such lan- 
guage accords with what has been already adduced on this point. 
Another asserted, that he saw Peters at the Star, in Coleman 
Street, in consultation with Cromwell and others about " Charles 
Stuart," then a prisoner. He added, " I guessed it to be some- 
thing drawn up against the King. I perceived, that Mr Peters 
was pnvie to it and pleasant in the company," and "wore a great 
sword." Peters replied, » I was never there but once. I never 
wore a great sword in my life." 

Walkeley declared, " I heard him in Westminster Hall say, 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 57 

within a year or two after the army was raised, if we can keep 
up our army but seven years longer, we need not care for the 
King and all his posterity." 

Hardwick stated, that when proclamation was made in the 
same place, for the trial of his majesty, Peters " came out into 
the Palace yard," and observed to many officers there, " All this 
is worth nothing, unless you proclaim it in Cheapside and at the 
old Exchange." To this Peters responded, " I cannot acknowl- 
edge it." 

Holland Simson deposed, that, while the trial of Charles was 
proceeding, Peters bade Col. Stubbards " command the soldiers 
to cry out, justice, justice, against the traitor at the Bar." To 
this Peters rejoined, " I do believe, that he that swore that, can- 
not say I was there. I do not know this gentleman. Did he 
ever see me ?" The witness answered, " Yes, at the Deanery, in 
consultation with Bradshaw and you were admitted and no man 
else as I know, unless Sir William Brereton, who came along 
with you." 

Richardson testified, that, on the first day of the High Court's 
adjournment, Peters commended the conduct of Bradshaw and 
Cooke, and said, " This is a most glorious beginning of the work." 
The prisoner asked the witness where abouts in the Court, he 
saw him. The reply was " in the body of the Court." Peters 
answered, " My Lord, I do not know, that I ever was in the body 
of the Court." 

Sir Jeremy Whitchcot declared, that he had heard Peters 
narrate the escape of Cromwell, when Parliament purposed to 
confine him in the Tower, as a traitor, and describe a meeting of 
army officers at which Peters " used this expression, And there 
we did resolve to set aside the King." This statement was 
probably correct. The dethronement of his Majesty was the result 
of necessities, in which the advocates for freedom were placed. 
Either he must lose his sceptre or their cause be lost and they 
liable to die on the scaffold. 

Clough affirmed, that he was present at a council of officers, 
pretending to be one of them, and heard Peters, who was invited 
to ask divine aid in their deliberations, " utter these words, O 
Lord, what a mercy it is to see this great city fall down before 
us; and what a stir is there to bring this great man to tryal, with- 
out whose blood he will turn us all into blood, if he reign again." 
Being asked if he heard this statement, Peters replied, " Some 
part I did, but it is impossible for me to bear down many wit- 
nesses; indeed, my Lord, I say this, they are marvellously unchar- 
itable, and speak many false things." 

Then several other witnesses were called, who professed to 
have heard Peters preach his sermons in Dec. 1648, and Jan. 
1649, previously mentioned, and who represented them as urging 
the necessity of the King's execution. With regard to the first 
discourse at St. Margaret's and his being accused of comparing 
Charles to Barabbas, who ought not to be freed, Peters said, " I 



58 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

must profess against most of that." Relative to the description, 
given of what he delivered at Whitehall, from 149 Psalm, he 
affirmed, "It is false." Similar charges were made against him 
tor preaching this sermon, the day after his majesty's sentence 
was passed. J 

Another individual deposed, that he saw Peters on the scaf- 
iofd, an hour before the royal prisoner was brought thither, and 
strongly intimated that he was of the two in disguise, one of 
whom was the executioner. But this accusation, we have alreadv 
seen, was not true. J 

When the testimonies were all given in, Peters had leave to 
speak for himself He took a brief survey of his course since he 
left New England. A few extracts follow. « When I came into 
the nations, I looked after three things. One was, that there 
might be sound religion ; the second, that learning and laws 
might be maintained ; the third, that the poor might be cared for 
1 must confess, I have spent most of my time in these things, to 
this end and purpose. After I had seen the state of En-land in 
some measure I did stir; the ministers of London deeper than I 
1 had neither malice nor mischief in my heart against the King. 
I do not deny but that I was active, but not to stir in any way 
that was not honorable. I had so much respect for his Majesty 
particularly at Windsor, that I propounded my thoughts three 
ways to preserve himself from danger, which were good, as he 
was pleased to think, though they did not succeed." He regretted 
whatever in his conduct, relative to the executed monarch, ap- 
peared to be incorrect. It would have been surprising had he 
recollected nothing to render him sad, in his many remarks and 
actions, amid false confidants, who pried into his private thoughts 
m order to expose them, if an opportunity presented to advance 
their selfish interests, and most exciting circumstances, which had 
immediate reference to the .Sovereign, whose policy he conscien- 
tiously believed was subversive of true English liberty. As to 
this subject, his language was, « I am very sorry to hear of my 
carriage towards the King. It is my great trouble. I beg pardon 
for my folly and weakness. I thought God had a great contro- 
versy with the Nation. That which some people took to, I did 
take unto. I went into the army. I saw at the beginning, that 
corruptions grew among them. I suppose none can say I have 
gone aside from any orthodox truth of the Lord." Such an 
apology may seem to some, as an indication of his conscious- 
ness, that the course he had pursued in behalf of political rights 
was wrong No. He evidently did not mean to throw up his 
long cherished principles. He still believed, that his more 
than ordinary compliance with them, though accompanied with 
human infirmities, and execrated by advocates for the Crown 
had the sanction of the highest authority. Others, in whose 
integrity we have great confidence, have made similar concessions 
in the hour of their dejection. Wise and his compatriots of Ips- 
wich and other towns, who resisted the usurped power of Andros 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 59 

in 1687, did so to moderate his severity towards them. Though 
every man should adhere to the truth, he is not called either by 
wisdom or obligation, to provoke the irresistible storm. 

Being told, that if he had anything more to say in his own 
behalf, he might do it, or else the jury would rise and make out 
their verdict, Peters replied, " My Lord, if I had time and oppor- 
tunity, I could take off many of the witnesses, but because their 
testimony is without controul, I cannot satisfy myself. I have no 
skill in the law. I do not know what to say more, unless I had 
more time and counsel." The Solicitor then, with all the bitter- 
ness of a royalist, who had no compassion or charity for one that 
had taken part in the revolution, states the evidence presented. 
Among his expressions was the following. " What man could 
more contrive the death of- the King, than this miserable Priest 
has done ? The death of this man will preach better than his life 
did." Thus this professed functionary of justice treated the fallen, 
as guilty, even before the jury had decided on his case. They 
retired for a short time, and returned. Being asked for their 
decision, they pronounced him guilty of treason. 

After this conclusion, which affected the auditors according to 
their views of the past and present polity of the kingdom, John 
Cooke, who was conspicuous in the trial of the King, was 
brought in and placed with Peters, so that they might receive 
their sentences together. The Lord Chief Baron addressed them. 
" You know, both of you, the rule of Law is, that the King can 
do no wrong." He referred them to their oath of allegiance, and 
observed, that the legal perfection of his majesty forbid them to 
break it, but as they had done so they must pay the penalty. He 
observed, that even if they did not intend to go so far as to have 
him put to death, but encouraged his imprisonment, they were 
traitors. He then pronounced the sentence, usual for the crime 
charged upon them ; that they be carried back to prison, thence 
be drawn on a hurdle to the place of execution, there hung by 
the neck, be cut down while alive, have their entrails taken out, 
etc., and burnt before their eyes, their heads cut off, their bodies 
quartered, and, thus divided, be disposed of at the royal pleasure. 

So closed the arraignment of Peters with one of the heaviest 
denunciations, of which human language is capable, or which 
human displeasure can inflict. The momentous scene, through 
which he had passed, exhibited him as leaning on Christian prin- 
ciple, which sustained him, under the accumulation of charges, 
that subjected him to a speedy and awful death. 

Thus brought to the extremity, which must often have crossed 
his mind after the throne was reestablished, Peters goes back to 
his confinement, neither the better nor the worse, morally consid- 
ered, for the judgment passed upon his person. At heart, he was 
the same man, in the sight of his Almighty Protector, with the 
curse of human law upon him, as he would have been, had its 
favors been profusely showered upon his head. This was his 



60 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

consolation, and bore him above the frowns of a false and fickle 
world. 

As previously expressed, his hope of being cleared, if brought 
to trial on the accusation against him, as defined by the Court, 
could not have been strong. What they laid down as treason, 
he construed as the fruit of love for rational liberty. How far his 
advice and efforts for the security and continuance of free govern- 
ment, tended to occasion the death of Charles I, can never be 
precisely known from the records of time. As confirmatory of 
what he declared while at the bar, we have his deliberate and 
solemn asseveration to his daughter, " I never had hand in con- 
triving or acting his death, as I am scandalized, but the contrary 
to my mean power. I confess what I did, I did strenuously; 
never was angry with any of the King's party, not any of them, 
for being so ; thought the Parliament authority lawful ; have not 
x had my hand in any man's blood, but saved many in life and 
estate." In the practice of such openness, energy and benefi- 
cence, he was careful to avoid the extremes not only of severity 
to royalists, but also of flattery to republicans. He remarked as 
to his friend, Lord Grey, « I advised him against the spirit of lev- 
elling. In addresses to the public, while flourishing without the 
Crosier and Crown, he was faithful to rebuke their moral defi- 
ciencies, and to urge gospel reform, as the only means of long- 
continued and vigorous prosperity. 

Aside from Peters's own declarations, Dr. Barwick asserted, that 
the charge of being a regicide could not be proved against him. 
Oldmixon, in his history of the Stuarts, affirmed that Peters "was 
not at all concerned in the King's death ; if Charles the Second 
had regarded the promises in his declaration, to pardon all but 
those that were, his life had been saved." There was strong reason 
why the regal clemency should have been extended to him, as it 
was to John Milton, Harry Martyn, and John Goodwin, who 
were co-workers with him in raising up and sustaining the Com- 
monwealth. 

Even on the supposition that Peters and his friends had forfeit- 
ed their lives, as actors in the revolution, able arguments were pub- 
lished to prove that they should be spared. The Traitor's Claim, 
being a letter, addressed by a lawyer to a member of the House 
of Commons, Aug. 20, 1661, took such a position. Its plea was 
founded on the royal proclamation of June, 1660, which required 
persons accused of treason, to appear before the Speaker of Par- 
liament, within fourteen days, "under pain of being excepted 
from any pardon or indemnity, both for their respective lives and 
estates." A few of its passages follow. " Seeing to be drawn, 
hanged and quartered, was the due pain, assigned by the law for 
their treason, exception from pardon was a new pain, on the new 
offence of the latency or escape from tryal, which if it imply not 
immunity on their appearance, I must confess I am to seek what 
it signifieth, and the speech of King and Parliament must be (vox 
etpreterea nihil) insignificant. Though these men were condemned, 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 61 

yet their lives were secured unto them," by the act of indemnity. 
" The condition of these men by confidence of grace, being ren- 
dered worse than theirs, that fled from it. The General summons 
a garrison to be yielded within twenty-four hours, on pain of burn- 
ing to the town and slaughter to every man. They yield to the 
summons and are saved." The prisoners " can never be drawn to 
execution, without drawing the guilt and disgrace of cruelty, 
revenge and perfidie on a Faith-Keeping Prince and Parliament." 
The opinions of civil and religious liberty, cherished by Peters, 
were essentially the same, as those entertained, professed and 
practised by the primitive worthies of New England. They 
were such as prompted Bradford and his coadjutors to stand 
against the plan of the Council for New England, to render this 
country a strict imitator of its mother-kingdom in hierarchy and 
royalty, under Robert Gorges, in 1623 ; and against the secret 
operations of most among their company in England to plant 
Episcopacy, under John Lyford, at Plymouth, in 1624, for a like 
purpose. They were such as prompted the authorities of Massa- 
chusetts to decline compliance with an order of the Council, in 
1634, and, also, with the mandate of the King, in 1637, to give 
back their Charter, and, in the mean while, to prepare for resist- 
ance to the landing of a General Governor from armed ships, con- 
tinually and anxiously expected, as the commissioned agent to 
set the seal of death on all their free institutions. They were such 
as restrained John Humfrey, John Endicott, Richard Bellingham, 
Increase Nowell and William Pynchon, original patentees, named 
in the Charter, from disclaiming this document, in 1636, as com- 
manded by judicial functionaries of the Crown, and thus brought 
upon them the sentence of being outlaws. They were such as 
led New Haven to afford a retreat to Whalley and Goffe, charged 
with the same offence as Peters was, in 1660, and for which 
among other evidences of anti-royalism, they had their territory 
swallowed up, in 1662, by the charter of their sister colony, Con- 
necticut. They were such as influenced the Massachusetts Leg- 
islature to decline sending over William Hathorne and others, in 
1666, to answer for the refusal of the former to have any further 
negotiation with the regal commissioners, concluding that they 
should be safer in the breach than in the observance of his majes- 
ty's behest. They were such as stimulated New England, in 
1689, to throw off the usurpation of James II., at the hazard of 
being defeated and punished as insurgents. Indeed Peters acted 
with as upright motives in taking side with a republican Parlia- 
ment, as the best of our country's patriots did in the Revolution 
for our Independence. The judicial authorities, who were invet- 
erate against him, would have been equally so against them, if 
convened in their day and holding similar power over them. The 
last act of the British Government in this State is an exemplifi- 
cation of such language. On June 12, 1775, Gage issued his 
proclamation, offering pardon to all who had resisted the Crown, 
except John Hancock and Samuel Adams, " whose offences," as 



62 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

he declared, "are of too flagitious a nature to admit of any other 
consideration, than that of condign punishment." Had their 
cause failed, like that of Peters, and they been captured by the 
victors, they would have been numbered among the martyrs of 
freedom, with him first and Vane the second. "While speaking 
of some who had more fully advocated the execution of Charles, 
than Peters, if he actually did so, but still were spared, one of the 
annotators on this point remarked, "Peters therefore suffered 
more than others, though he had done less to deserve it than 
others, which we may suppose was contrary to his expectation," 
as expressed in his Legacy. 

For the course pursued by Peters, many were the execrations 
on his memory, uttered by writers of more zeal than discretion, 
more boldness than accuracy. Dr. Grey calls him " the ginger- 
bread prophet, the late pastor of a hunger-starved flock of Salem, 
in New England, that disguised executioner, that bloody butcher 
of the King." All these epithets are utter falsehoods. Certainly 
the good people in the city of peace, can instantly and righteously 
stave off the charge on their reputation. And facts can similarly 
set aside the rest from all communion with decency and truth. 
We would not doubt the sincerity of such writers, as suffered 
their love for restored monarchy, to retail not only "twice-told" 
but the hundred-times-told slanders heaped on the unsuccessful 
leaders of the English Commonwealth. But sincerity is often at 
fault in the eyes of veracity and equity. For cherishing and 
manifesting opinions like those of Peters, many were the hard 
names which the Whigs of our country received from their oppo- 
nents. For years, they were altogether styled rebels and pirates. 
As to particulars, we extract some from an English periodical, 
called the Political Magazine, for July, 1781. 

"John Adams, the rebel ambassador at Amsterdam, was origin- 
ally bred to the law. In person, he is a clumsy, middle-sized 
man, and according to all appearance by taking to the law and 
politics has spoiled an able ploughman or porter, though the trade 
of a butcher would have better suited the bloody bent of his mind. 
He has read Tristram Shandy, and affects, awkwardly enough, a 
smartness which does not at all correspond either with his per- 
sonal figure, or with his natural dulness." Speaking of Thomas 
Cushing and Robert Treat Paine, it says, " The first of these was 
a distiller, and the last a lawyer ; and both were weak, insignifi- 
cant men, the tools of Samuel Adams, the grand confederate of 
that hoary traitor, Franklin." But one more of its subjects, thus 
served up, will be presented. " Samuel Huntingdon, the new Pres- 
ident of the Rebel Congress, is the son of a farmer. He was bred 
to the law, and was poor at the breaking out of the rebellion, but 
being gifted with a smooth tongue, and being insinuating and 
deceitful, has become popular, and probably rich, by fleecing his 
deluded constituents." What a gross perversion of truth, as to all 
these patriots, in those traits, for which they have been highly 
respected and esteemed ! 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 63 

While these and many other leaders of the American revolu- 
tion are deservedly honored, though formerly cast down to the 
lowest depths of infamy by the tongues and pens of their trans- 
Atlantic opponents, let us not suffer the fame of Peters to be 
marred and blasted by the outpourings of similar billingsgate. 

Oct. 14. The next day after the condemnation of Peters, he 
employed part of his time very properly for one, whose ministra- 
tions on earth were soon to terminate. He delivered a discourse 
in Newgate, from 42 Psalm, 11 vs. " Why art thou cast down, 
oh, my soul," etc. Doctrine — " The best of God's people are apt 
to despond." One of his reasons for this was, " When our afflic- 
tions are many, when all is struck at, name, estate, relation and 
life itself." Among the means presented by him for relief, was, 
" Be careful of exercising faith, for no condition of man super- 
sedes faith. Now what is the exercise of faith, but rolling upon 
Christ and staying on him? Here I'll stick. If I perish, I perish." 

The sentiments so expressed by the speaker, fully harmonized 
with his own feelings. While imprisoned, he was, at times, vis- 
ited with depression of spirits, an occasional complaint of long 
standing. As the hour of his departure drew on, he was tried 
in this manner, " fearing, as he would often say, that he should 
not go through his sufferings with courage and comfort." He 
observed, " though it was a cloudy and dark day with him for a 
season, yet the light of God's grace and favor would break forth 
at last. A little before he went forth to execution (as many can 
testify) he was well composed in his spirit and cheerfully said, I 
thank God, now I can die. I can look death in the face and not 
be afraid." 

While he and the other prisoners were seriously expecting their 
exit from life, Drs. Barwick and Dolben waited on them. They 
addressed Peters and persuaded him to a " recantation of his 
former activity in the Parliament cause, by a promise of pardon 
from the King." But he " told them, that he had no cause, in 
the least, to repent of his adhering to that interest, but rather, that 
he had in the prosecution thereof, done no more for God and his 
people in these nations, and with civility dismissed those visi- 
tants," and conversed with other ministers there, whose views 
were more congenial with his own, and enabled them to sympa- 
thize more fully with him in his affliction. Could he have brought 
himself, as others did under the same accusation, to renounce his 
political creed, contradict his numerous professions of attachment 
to popular rights, and condemn his long series of energetic actions 
for the promotion of rational liberty, he might have been saved 
from the scaffold. But sooner than resist the protestations of his 
conscience and carry with him through the rest of his pilgrimage, 
the bitter recollections of violated truth, he nobly put aside the 
alluring offer and gave his life, as the fullest test of his rectitude. 

Cooke, the fellow sufferer of Peters, observed to him, the even- 
ing before their execution, " Brother Peters, we shall be in heaven 
tomorrow, in bliss and glory ; what a blessed thing is that — my 



64 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 



very heart leaps within me for joy ! I am just now as I was in 
the storm, almost in sight of heaven." He referred to his feelings 
m a gale of wind, while crossing the Irish channel. He then 
desired his friend to read passages from Isaiah and Hosea. The 
next morning he said, « Come, brother Peters, let us knock at 
heaven's gate. God will open the doors of Eternity to us before 
twelve of the clock, and let us into that innumerable company 
of saints and angels, and to the souls of just men, made per- 
iect, and then we shall never part more, but be with the Lord for- 
ever and ever." This and other instances relative to the man- 
ner, in which Peters spent his time in prison after his condemna- 
tion, render it fully evident, that his whole deportment was then 
eminently spiritual and such as preparation for an exchange of 
worlds, rationally and scripturally demanded. And yet the pen 
of slander represented, that he had, in that solemn period, shaken 
" oft all sense of piety, if ever he had any." 

On the 16th, the last day that he was to behold the light of 
temporal life, Peters was drawn on a sled to Charing Cross. Here 
he was placed within the rails, so that his sensibility might be 
excited and lacerated at the sight of his friend Cooke's sufferings. 
So situated, a person rudely approached and upbraided him, as 
a regicide and bade him repent. Thus accosted, he answered, 
"friend, you do not well to trample on a dying man ; you are 
greatly mistaken ; I had nothing to do in the death of the King." 
When Cooke was taken down and about to be quartered the 
sheriff's men were ordered to bring Peters nearer, that he might 
have a more distinct view of the awful scene. The hangman 
soon came up, besmeared with blood and rubbing his gory hands 
together, tauntingly inquired, "how do you like this, Mr. Peters * " 
He firmly replied, « I am not, I thank God, terrified at it ; you 
may do your worst." When going to the gallows, he bent a 
piece of gold, and desired .a man whom he knew, to carry it 
where his daughter lodged and give it to her as his dyine token 
of parental benediction, and « That his heart was as full of com- 
fort as it could be, and that before that piece should come to 
her hands, he should be with God in glory." Being on the lad 
der, he addressed the Sheriff, « Sir, you have here^slain one of 
the servants of God before my eyes, and have made me behold it 
on purpose to terrify and discourage me ; but God hath made it 
air ordinance to me for my strengthening and encouragement." 
He offered some remarks and prayed, but the most of what he 
uttered was not audible enough to be noted down. But the sub- 
sequent passage, however, was preserved. « What, flesh, art thou 
unwilling to go to God through the fire and jaws of death * Oh ? 
this is a good day. He is come, that I have long looked for, and 
I shall be with him in glory." With his face irradiated with the 
smile of heavenly assurance, his spirit soon took its flight; and as 
we trust to become the subject of a Commonwealth, liable to no 
change from human frailties, but ever dispensing its blissful bene- 
fits to the myriads within its perfect jurisdiction. 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 65 

While the immortal part of Peters had gone to enter on eternal 
realities, his remains were treated with the indignities, which 
the sentence decreed. His body being quartered, his head was 
set on a pole on London bridge. Thus he died, in subjection to 
the penalty of the law, aged sixty-one years. Of him and his 
companions in affliction, Goldsmith remarked, " They bore the 
scorn of the multitude and the cruelty of the executioner, not 
simply with fortitude, but with the spirit and confidence of mar- 
tyrs, who suffered for having done their duty." 

Among the signs of popular dislike to the execution of such as 
were charged with being regicides, various prodigies, mostly, if 
not altogether fabulous, were reported to have occurred and been 
seen on the day of their exit. One was, that a person, " inveigh- 
ing against Peters, as he went to the Gibbet, was torn and 
almost killed by his own tame, favorite dog." 

Soon after the decease of Peters, and in the same year, a ser- 
mon of his, taken from the notes of a reporter, was printed. The 
preface implies, that however the author of the discourse had 
incurred public censure, yet his instructions should be received on 
their own merits ; they were " not as a trumpet sounding rebel- 
lion, but as a schoolmaster teaching religion." The text was 
from Isaiah, 55 c. 6 vs. " Seek the Lord, while he may be found, 
call ye upon him, while he is near." The whole subject was han- 
dled ably and impressively. 

Thus we have looked at various points in the remarkable his- 
tory of Hugh Peters. They are more and have called us over 
greater space, than was anticipated and desired in our outset. 
Before we take our final leave of his memorials, justice bids us 
notice some reproaches upon his reputation, by worthy authors of 
our own country. With their eye more fixed on the caricatures 
of advocates for " passive obedience," under all circumstances, 
than on the fair deductions of truth, they have fallen into the 
error of describing him, in his general character, as coarse, fiery, 
cruel, weak and ignorant. No investigator, who has candidly 
gone through the details of his biography and sifted fact from 
fiction, could ever accurately arrive to such a conclusion. Was 
he coarse ? In the many and various instances which we have of 
his personal intercourse with others, he was a pattern of kind 
civility. 

As to his mode of expression, we now and then meet with 
words which were current in his day, but in ours not so smooth 
as literary taste demands. But being noted down by reporters 
for the press, some of them probably never came from his lips, but 
were merely given as the signs of his thoughts. Take his style 
altogether, as it comes to us, without the finish of leisure and 
retirement, and we find nothing in it which can equitably fix 
upon him the prevalent characteristic of coarseness. Was he 
fiery? If by this inquiry we are to understand, that he was 
unusually passionate and rash, it finds no warrant either from his 
writings or actions. That he was zealous and actuated with 



66 Memoir of Hugh Peters. 

strong feeling in the numerous and important enterprises, which 
he undertook and prosecuted with approbation from high author- 
ities, there is no doubt. Was he cruel ? This is the last question 
which has any pertinent or constructive application to him. In 
genuine, active, untiring, frequent and great beneficence to those 
of other parties and other nations, as well as his own, he stood 
preeminent. Verily, if the qualities of " Great Heart," as given 
by Bunyan, ever belonged to any man, it did to Hugh Peters. 
Was he weak ? If the interrogation refers to deficiency of intel- 
lect, energy and perseverance, it should be met with a decided 
negative. The implication of such a trait may have been predi- 
cated on his occasional depression of spirits. If so, this infirmity 
is more to be commiserated than censured, and is entirely con- 
sistent with strength of mind and purity of morals. Was he 
ignorant? Any person who reflects on his advantages of educa- 
tion, society and travel ; on the many and eminent trusts com- 
mitted to his care, requiring tact, talent, and intelligence, and 
successfully discharged ; on the productions of his pen, which 
abound with historical, classical, biblical and general knowledge, 
cannot but wonder how it ever came to pass, that such a man 
should be called an ignoramus. Had the cotemporaries of Peters 
in this country, believed that the portraiture of him, so drawn with 
colors, borrowed from the pallet of transatlantic malignity, was 
true to the life, they would never have cherished the high respect 
for him, which the subsequent testimony implies. Chalmers, in 
his Political Annals, relates the words of John Crown, as deliver- 
ed before royal functionaries, when our colonies were in anxious 
suspense lest the policy of Charles II. would destroy their civil 
and religious liberties. The deposition follows. " Being in com- 
pany of several merchants at Boston, and discoursing of Hugh 
Peters and his execution, some persons did there say, that there 
were many godly in New England, that dared not condemn 
what Hugh Peters had done." 

Passing from ill-founded conclusions, we will glance at the 
relative concerns of Peters. In his domestic affairs he was 
worthy of imitation. Of his first wife he spoke in high terms, 
and blessed God for the preciousness of her memory. His second, 
though bereft of her reason for twenty years, was the constant 
object of his affectionate solicitude. He set apart a generous 
portion of his income for her support. His parental attachment 
was strong and faithful. This is evinced in his last counsel and 
message to his afflicted daughter. In his clerical connexions, he 
deeply realized the sacred responsibility of them, and the divine 
blessing gave him multitudes, as the seals of his ministry. In his 
social and political relations, public good, temporal, spiritual and 
eternal, was a chief object of his wishes, plans, purposes and 
efforts. 

Having thus taken a review of Peters in the varied incidents of 
his career and the traits of his character, we are admonished that 
it is time to close. Before, however, we do this, it may be well 



Memoir of Hugh Peters. 67 

to give our estimate of him, from the data already presented, as 
we did prospectively at the beginning of this memoir. It is as 
fully and sincerely our belief now as it was then, that he, with 
the usual infirmities of our race, was as far removed from their 
dominion and possessed as many excellences, as the most of his 
day, the remembrance of whose worthiness we cherish with more 
than ordinary respect and esteem. The tribute we heartily ren- 
der to these, should not be withheld from him. The crown we 
award to them for having run well, is equally his due. 

After the presentation of a few items as to the person and fam- 
ily of Peters, we will take our leave of this subject. With refer- 
ence to the first, he was above the common stature, erect and 
muscular. His countenance wears the likeness of his character, 
open, energetic, intelligent, benevolent and striking. His last 
wife was in London, 1677, where she had been supported by Mr. 
Cockquaine and his church since his death. Then application 
was made for the congregation of Salem and others, who might 
sympathize with her troubles, to render her some assistance. His 
daughter Elizabeth was baptized 1640. In his parting advice to 
her, he observed, " your faithfulness to me and your mother will 
find acceptance in heaven, I trust." She was a widow Barker, 
of Deptford, in the County of Kent, 1703, when she gave a letter 
of attorney to collect property in Salem, which belonged to her 
father. Six years afterwards she still survived. How he was a 
parent to John Winthrop, jr. as stated by Roger Williams, is a 
hard problem, not yet solved. But, whatever were his con- 
nexions, and however bitter the cup of his trials here, there is 
reason to believe, that he has long known the blessedness of 
celestial relationship, in which there is no disappointment, no 
alloy, no sin, no sorrow, but assurance, purity, holiness and joy, 
ever progressive and abounding. 

To close, we quote the following lines, under his likeness, in 
the beginning of his Legacy, composed by some one, like Milton, 
who faithfully stood for his virtues, amid the denunciations of the 
throne. 

" Lo, hcere, the dictates of a dying man ! 

Markc well his note ! who like the expiring swan, 

Wisely presaging her approaching doom, 

Sings in soft charm es her Epiccedium. 

Such, such are his, who was a shining lamp, 

Which though extinguisht by a fatal damp, 

Yet his last breathings shall, like incense hurl'd, 

On sacred alters, soe perfume the world, 

That the next will admire and, out of doubt, 

Eeuere that torch light, which this age put out." 



Errata. — p. 6, 1. 45, read least for last ; p. 11, L 11, read Thomas for Samuel; p. 
22, 1. 45, read Peters' for Peters ; p. 39, 1. 28, read preachers' for preachers. 



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